Washington the Soldier

by Henry B. Carrington

Clinton and Cornwallis alike failed to comprehend that when the American Commander-in-Chief parted with Lafayette, and afterwards gave him so large a command, he must have had in view some special service which that officer could perform with credit as a significant factor in the entire campaign. Cornwallis knew, however, that unless he could destroy Lafayette’s army, the British cause in Virginia would certainly be lost. But the same profound strategy which had inclosed Clinton at New York, isolated Cornwallis at Yorktown.

Washington was well aware, that neither Louis XVI. nor Rochambeau wholly favored an attack upon New York. Their objections were substantial. Such a movement involved the presence of enormous naval forces, which once within the harbor, might be easily captured or destroyed, whenever Great Britain could seriously concentrate ships for that purpose. Neither could a French fleet secure supplies of any kind, so long as Clinton controlled the city. It was the natural naval depot of Great Britain for the American coast, and convenient for her West India dependencies. France, ever willing to aid America, must, however, always have her naval base in the West Indies, which wholly depended upon her naval supremacy for immunity from British aggression. Notwithstanding these considerations, the harmony of the French and American alliance was never interrupted, and mutual confidence was invariably enjoyed.

It is never to be overlooked that Washington cared more for his position in New Jersey than for the possession of New York. Its occupation without a controlling fleet, would be as fatal as the presence of a fleet without control of the city.

On the day after his arrival at Lafayette’s headquarters, he requested the Count de Grasse to hasten the transportation of the American troops from Baltimore; and yet, added a postscript that “Lafayette already anticipated” his request. On the seventeenth, he embarked with Count Rochambeau, General Knox and General Du Portail upon the frigate Queen Charlotte; and on the eighteenth, visited the Count de Grasse upon his flag-ship, the Ville de Paris. The distinguished visitors were received with appropriate honors, and at once took under consideration the plan for the most speedy prosecution of the siege.

During that interview, Washington was advised of an immediately preceding event which must interest the modern reader, at a time when all maritime nations are interested in naval development and ships of great power. Just before his visit, there had been concentrated, about the entrance to Chesapeake Bay, one of the heaviest armaments known to maritime warfare. Fifty-two ships-of-the-line—each with three, or even four gun-decks, and ranging from sixty-four to one hundred and twenty guns, besides frigates—constituted that imposing battle array. It has already been noticed that Admiral Barras sailed from Newport in convoy of transports which carried heavy guns for siege use before Yorktown. When Lafayette first moved southward, Washington supplied his detachment with twelve heavy guns, including two eight-inch mortars, one twenty-four and two eighteen-pounder guns, for use in arming small vessels, or assailing Arnold’s defences. These were difficult of transportation, but no less indispensable as a contingent part of his outfit. The wisdom of these provisions had a twofold fruition. A British fleet had been detached from the West India station for the purpose of supplementing the New York and Newport squadrons. Admiral Hood, in command, crossed the mouth of Chesapeake Bay just before the arrival of the Count de Grasse; looked into Delaware Bay, and reported to Admiral Graves at Sandy Hook on the twenty-fourth day of August. That officer had but five ships-of-the-line ready for sea. Upon receiving advices from Gardiner’s Bay that Admiral de Barras had actually sailed southward from Newport, he incurred no delay, but on the thirty-first of August sailed, with nineteen ships, in pursuit of the French. On the fifth of September, he passed within the Delaware Capes without having encountered Admiral Barras at sea, and without the slightest intimation that he was soon to be in the presence of a superior naval adversary. The Count de Grasse, when notified of the appearance of so many large ships, supposed at first that the fleet of Admiral Barras, already due, was at hand. Seventeen hundred of his seamen were on the James River, planting heavy batteries; but so soon as the British flag revealed the hostile character of the ships, he moved his first division at once, seaward and southward, ordering the second division to follow immediately. By this prompt and judicious manœuvre he not only left the northern channel open for the admission of De Barras from the north, but secured the weather-gauge of the British fleet; and this he maintained with equal skill and intrepidity. These great fleets manœuvered for five days without a general action, but with several sharp encounters in which several vessels suffered severely. The French casualties were two hundred and twenty, and the British three hundred and thirty-six.

During this exchange of hostilities, Admiral Barras safely entered the bay with seven ships-of-the-line and fourteen large transports, bringing heavy guns for the siege. (See map.) The Count de Grasse slowly retired, followed by Admiral Graves; but when the latter realized that Admiral de Barras had indeed arrived, and that his own fleet was now greatly inferior in force to that of his adversary, he returned promptly to New York. The Count de Grasse at the same time knew that Admiral Digby had arrived at New York from the West Indies with three line-of-battle ships (reported as six). All these particulars of the previous week’s operations were communicated to General Washington and his party, on the Ville de Paris. These officers at once started for their respective camps. Owing to severe and contrary winds, Washington did not reach Williamsburg until the twenty-second. All at once, a very grave question, and one which threatened to defeat his carefully matured plans, confronted the American Commander-in-Chief. The Count de Grasse outlined his purpose as follows: “To detach two ships for the mouth of James River; to leave four frigates and several corvettes, in the James; then, to sail for New York, and either intercept or fight the British fleet, before it could receive further reënforcements from England or the West Indies; then, to return and act in concert, each on his own side.”

Against this departure from the concerted plans of Washington and Rochambeau, Lafayette protested in vigorous terms. His influence at that time with the French Court was paramount as to American affairs, and Queen Marie Antoinette was even a greater enthusiast in behalf of American liberty than Louis XVI. The instructions of the King to Rochambeau, already cited, which made Rochambeau subordinate to Washington in the use of French auxiliary forces, were produced; and the Count de Grasse gracefully withdrew his suggestion and accepted the judgment of the generals in command of the land forces, as his rule of action respecting his fleet.

On the twenty-fifth, the remaining troops en route from the north reached Williamsburg, making a total of twelve thousand regular troops, besides more than four thousand militia. On the twenty-eighth, the entire army advanced and took position within two miles of the British works. On the twenty-ninth, after a thorough reconnoissance, the movement began for the complete investment of Yorktown, and all its approaches. From the opening of the first parallel of approach until October seventeenth, the activity of the allied forces, the spirited and generous emulation of Frenchmen and Americans in repulsing sorties, in storming redoubts, in bombardment, or silencing the enemy’s guns, was incessant by night and day.