Washington the Soldier

by Henry B. Carrington

Washington appreciated the situation fully. He recognized the defenceless condition of New York and its adaptation for the Headquarters of the Army of America. He was also thoroughly convinced that General Clinton’s proposed expedition would either occupy New York, or make the attempt to do so. He acted without delay upon that conviction, although reserving to himself the responsibility of first reducing Boston with the least possible delay. General Lee, then upon detached service in Connecticut, had written to him, urging, in his emphatic style, “the immediate occupation of New York; the suppression or expulsion of certain tories of Long Island; and that not to crush the serpents before their rattles were grown, would be ruinous.”

Washington was as prompt to reply; and ordered Lee to “take such Connecticut volunteers as he could quickly assemble in his march, and put the city in the best possible posture of defence which the season and circumstances would admit of.”

Meanwhile, every immediate energy of the Commander-in-Chief was concentrated upon a direct attack of the British position. The business capacity of Colonel Knox had already imparted to the Ordnance Department character and efficiency. Under direction of Washington he visited Lake George, during December, 1775, and by the last of February hauled upon sleds, over the snow, more than fifty pieces of artillery to the Cambridge headquarters. This enabled him to make the armament of Lechmere Point very formidable; and by the addition of several half-moon batteries between that point and Roxbury, it became possible to concentrate upon the city of Boston the effective fire of nearly every heavy gun and mortar which the American army controlled.

It had been the intention of Washington to march against Boston, across the ice, so soon as the Charles river should freeze sufficiently to bear the troops. Few of the soldiers had bayonets, but “the city must be captured, with or without bayonets,” and his army released for service elsewhere. In one letter he used this very suggestive appeal: “Give me powder, or ice, and I will take Boston.” Upon the occasion of “one single freeze and some pretty strong ice,” he suddenly called a council of war, and proposed to seize the opportunity to cross at once, and either capture or burn the city. Officers of the New England troops who were more familiar with the suddenness with which the tides affect ice of moderate thickness, dissuaded him from his purpose; but in writing to Joseph Reed, for some time after his Adjutant-General, he thus refers to the incident: “Behold, while we have been waiting the whole year for this favorable event, the enterprise was thought too hazardous. I did not think so, and I am sure yet, that the enterprise, if it had been undertaken with resolution, would have succeeded; without it, any would fail.” “P.S.—I am preparing to take post on Dorchester Heights, to try if the enemy will be so kind as to come out to us.” This postscript is an illustration of Washington’s quick perception of the strategic movement which would crown the siege with complete success. He added another caution: “What I have said respecting the determination in Council, and the possession of Dorchester, is spoken sub-rosa.”

The month of February drew near its close, when Washington, in the retirement of his headquarters, decided no longer to postpone his attack upon the city and its defences. Two floating batteries of light draught and great strength were quickly constructed, and forty-five batteaux, like the modern dredge-scow, each capable of transporting eighty men, were assembled and placed under a special guard. In order to provide for every contingency of surmounting parapets, or improvising defences in streets, or otherwise, fascines, gabions, carts, bales of hay, intrenching-tools, two thousand bandages, and all other contingent supplies that might, under any possible conditions, be required, were also gathered and placed in charge of none but picked men. Gen. Thomas Mifflin, his Quartermaster-General, who had accompanied him from Philadelphia, shared his full confidence, and was unremitting by night and by day in hastening the work intrusted to his department.

The inflexibility of purpose which marked Washington’s career to its close, asserted its supremacy at this crucial hour of the Revolutionary struggle, when, for the first time, America was to challenge Britain to fight, and fight at once. It had begun to appear as if his submission of a proposition to a council of officers implied some doubt of its feasibility, or some alternate contingency of failure. Washington discounted all failure, by adequate forethought. Jomini, who admitted that Napoleon seemed never to provide for a retreat, very suggestively added: “When Napoleon was present, no one thought of such a provision.” In like manner Washington had the confidence of his troops.

It certainly is not anticipating the test of Washington, as Soldier, to state some characteristics which were peculiarly his own. His most memorable and determining acts were performed when he was clothed with ample authority by Congress, or the emergency forced him to make his own will supreme. In the course of this narrative it will appear that Congress did at last formally emancipate him from the constraint of councils. Whenever he doubted, others doubted. Whenever he was persistent, he inspired the nerve and courage which realized results, even though in a modified form of execution. Partial disappointments or deferred realization did not shatter nor weaken his faith. Washington, the American Commander-in-Chief, was in such a mood on the first day of March, 1776. He had a plan, a secret plan, and kept his secret well, until the stroke was ready for delivery.

And yet, the progress of the siege up to this date, and through two long winter months, had not been wholly spent in details for its certain success. Even after the first day of January, when he became acquainted with the proposed movement of General Clinton, he began to anticipate such a movement as an indication of his own future action. A selection of guns for field service was carefully made; batteries were organized and thoroughly drilled. Then, as ever after, during the war, artillerists were few in number, and the service was never popular. The hauling of heavy guns by hand, then with rare exceptions habitual, made the service very hard; and accuracy of fire cost laborious practice, especially where powder was scarce, even for exigent service. Wagons were also provided. Medical supplies were collected and packed in portable chests. He also inquired into the nature of the New England roads when the frosts of spring first tweak the soil, and was informed that they would be almost impassable for loaded wagons and heavy artillery.

During the same months the condition of Canada had become seriously critical, through the activity of General Carleton who expected reënforcements from England, and had already threatened the northern border. It seemed to Washington that Congress might even divert a part of his own army to support the army in Canada, upon the acquisition of Boston and the retirement of its British garrison. The ultimate destination of that garrison, in whole or in part, was full of uncertain relations to his own movements. The disposition of the large royalist element in Boston was also an object of care; but looming above all other considerations was the supreme fact that the war now begun was one which embraced every Colony, every section; and that the conflict with Great Britain was to be as broad and desperate as her power was great and pervasive.

And yet, under so vast and varied responsibilities, he matured and withheld from his confiding troops the secret of his purpose to capture Boston suddenly and surely, until the day of its crowning fulfilment arrived.