One of the most noteworthy facts connected with the American civil conflict of 1861–’65, was the measurement of generals on either side by knowledge of their antecedent education, qualities and characteristics. McClellan would have taken Vicksburg, as surely as did General Grant: the mathematics of a siege are irresistible. But he never could have marched to the sea, as did Sherman, or swept like a tornado to the rear of Lee, as did Sheridan. It appears from the correspondence of Washington, that he carefully studied the antecedents and followed the operations of his chief antagonists; that in several of the most critical periods of the war he anticipated their plans as fully as if he had shared their confidence in advance. But he did not merely interpret the lessons of campaigns as objectives for his own action. He penetrated the secret chambers of Howe’s brain. He cross-examined himself: “If I were in Howe’s place what would I do?” “In his own place, what will Howe do?” “What must the British Ministry do, to conquer America—in the way of ships, men, and money?” “Can they do it?” “Can they risk their West India Colonies, by the diversion of adequate means to conquer America?” The expectancies of aid from France, partly realized through the purchase of arms and munitions of war as early as 1776, were never out of his thought. To maintain one central army intact, and wear out his adversary, was the pivot on which hinged American destiny. In the hills of New Jersey he worked this problem to its solution.
Washington remained at the Morristown headquarters until the twenty-fourth of May.
On the twenty-first day of January, Howe withdrew two thousand troops from Newport, R.I., to reënforce the garrison of New York. Generals Spencer and Arnold, then at Providence, R.I., with about four thousand troops, were ordered by Washington, whenever practicable, to attempt the capture of Newport; but they regarded their force as inadequate for the purpose. General Parsons, then upon recruiting service in Connecticut, was also instructed to make a descent upon Long Island; but his force was hardly equal to the movement, for want of suitable boats. All these external signs of American watchfulness and activity were as nettles to irritate the British Commander-in-Chief, while he sat, powerless, in his sumptuous headquarters at New York.
Knox was sent by Washington to Massachusetts to enlist a battalion of artillery, and during his trip mentioned Springfield as the proper site for the establishment of a laboratory and gun-factory. General Schuyler, of the northern army, was instructed to draw from New England the entire force required to resist the anticipated advance of Carleton from Canada. Washington assigned as a special reason for this limitation, that “troops of extreme sections could not be favorably combined.” Besides this, he proportionately relieved New England from sending troops of her own from her borders, which would be most exposed in case the invasion from Canada materialized. General Maxwell was stationed at Elizabethtown to watch tories and the movements of the British. Orders were issued repressing plundering done by the militia, of which complaint had been made. Similar outrages had been perpetrated by British and Hessian troops in the vicinity of New York; and Washington followed up his own ideas of civilized warfare, by sending to General Howe a protest, and a demand for similar remedial action on his part.
At this period, a correspondence occurred as to the position of General Charles Lee, then a prisoner of war in General Howe’s custody. It was for a time quite in doubt whether Lee would be treated as a prisoner of war, or be shot as a deserter from the British army. The pledge of Washington, that he would hang an officer of equal rank if Lee were executed, ultimately secured Lee’s exchange.
During the month of March, a ship from France landed at Portsmouth, N.H., another invoice of military supplies; and a second soon after reached Philadelphia with a large cargo. These timely accessions of material of war amounted to twenty-three thousand fusees, one thousand barrels of powder, and blankets and other stores.
On the second of March, Washington communicated to Robert Morris, of Philadelphia, some of his personal studies of General Howe and his plans. The following are pertinent extracts:
“General Howe cannot, by the best intelligence I have been able to get, have less than ten thousand men in New Jersey, and on board of transports at Amboy. Our number does not exceed four thousand. His are well-disciplined, well-officered and well-supplied; ours, raw militia, badly officered and under no government. His numbers cannot be, in short time, augmented; ours must be, very considerably, and by such troops as we can have some reliance on, or the game is at an end. His situation as to horses and forage is bad, very bad; but will it be better? No, on the contrary, worse; and therefore, if for no other, to shift quarters. General Howe’s informants are too numerous, and too well acquainted, to suffer him to remain in ignorance of them. With what propriety, then, can he miss so favorable an opportunity of striking a capital stroke against a city from which we draw so many advantages, the carrying of which would give such éclat to his arms, and strike such a damp to ours. Nor is his difficulty of moving so great as is imagined. All the heavy baggage of the army, their salt provisions, flour and stores, might go round by water, while their superior numbers would enable them to make a sweep of the horses for many miles around them, not already taken off by us.”
The separate movements suggested by Washington, some of which have been referred to, indicated his purpose to keep officers in the field wherever there promised opportunity for aggressive action, while at the same time enuring the militia to active field service.
Although Congress had granted the Commander-in-Chief full powers for the conduct of the war, it did assert its general prerogatives very freely in the matter of promotions and appointments without consulting him. Ambition for rapid promotion and honorable commands was as conspicuous then as since. The promotions made during the month of March were a source of much jealousy and bitter conflict. Among the new Major-Generals, much to Washington’s disgust, the name of Arnold was omitted. General Wooster was at home in command of the Connecticut militia, having resigned his commission in the regular service. Gen. George Clinton was assigned to command the forts in the Highlands; and General McDougall succeeded General Heath at Peekskill. General Sullivan considered these details as so many independent commands; and fretted over it so constantly and freely, that Washington administered a rebuke which illustrates the directness and frankness with which he handled such provoking interruptions of the domestic harmony of the army. He writes as follows: “Why these unreasonable and unjustifiable suspicions, which can answer no other end than to poison your own happiness and add vexation to that of others? I know of but one separate command, properly so-called, and that is in the Northern Department; and General Sullivan, General St. Clair, or any other general officer at Ticonderoga, will be considered in no other light, while there is a superior officer in the department, than if he were placed at Chatham, Baskenridge or Princeton. I shall quit, with an earnest expostulation that you will not suffer yourself to be teased with evils that only exist in the imagination, and with slights that have no existence at all; keeping it in mind, that if there are to be several distinct armies to be formed, there are several gentlemen before you in point of rank who have a right to claim preference.”