Washington the Soldier

by Henry B. Carrington

The briefest possible history of these expeditions is all that can find space in this narrative. Lieutenant-General Burgoyne left London on the twenty-ninth day of March, and reached Quebec on the sixth day of May. He promptly notified General Howe of his instructions, and recognized Albany as his chief objective point, so soon as he might recapture the posts on Lake Champlain, then occupied by the American forces. The organization and strength of the force with which he undertook his memorable campaign is noticed elsewhere.[^[5]] His confident expectation of obtaining an adequate Canadian force of teams, teamsters, axe-men, horses, wagons, and guides familiar with the country, proved unwarranted. Instead of two thousand, less than two hundred reported for duty. This was not the fault of General Carleton, for of him Burgoyne said, “He could not have done more for his own brother”; but the Canadians themselves were more desirous of peace with their New England neighbors than to be involved in war with them. The proclamation of Burgoyne to the people of New England and New York was arrogant and repellant, instead of being sympathetic and conciliatory. Washington at once furnished the antidote by the following: “Harassed as we are by unrelenting persecution; obliged by every tie to repel violence by force; urged by self-preservation to exert the strength which Providence has given us, to defend our natural rights against the aggressor, we appeal to the hearts of all mankind for the justice of our course; its event we leave with Him who speaks the fate of nations, in humble confidence that as His omniscient eye taketh note even of a sparrow that falleth to the ground, so He will not withdraw His confidence from a people who humbly array themselves under His banner, in defence of the noblest principles with which He has adorned humanity.”

[5]. See Appendix.

General Burgoyne was equally infelicitous in his negotiations with the Iroquois, Algonquins, Abenagies and Ottawa Indians, whom he met on the twenty-second day of June. In fact, General Burgoyne had no sympathy with the British policy which ordered the hire of Indian allies. The following declaration stands to his perpetual credit, and should appear in every volume that may ever be published which refers to his campaign in America. His words were these: “The Indian principle of war is at once odious and unavailing, and if encouraged, I will venture to pronounce its consequences, will be sorely repented by the present age and be universally abhorred by posterity.” And afterwards, in the presence of the Earl of Harrington, when St. Luc claimed that “Indians must fight their own way, or desert,” Burgoyne answered: “I would rather lose every Indian than connive at their enormities.” And still another incident is to be noticed, especially as it places before the reader a very characteristic utterance of General Gates, his adversary in that campaign. The latter wrote to General Burgoyne as follows: “The miserable fate of Miss McCrea, massacred by Indians, was peculiarly aggravated by her being dressed to receive her promised husband, but met her murderers instead, employed by you. Upward of one hundred men, women and children, have perished by the hands of ruffians to whom it is asserted you have paid the price of blood.” To this, the gallant general replied: “I would not be conscious of the acts you presume to impute to me, for the whole continent of America; though the wealth of worlds was in its bowels, and a paradise upon its surface.”

On the twenty-fifth of March, General Gates relieved General Schuyler from command of the Northern Department; but the latter was promptly restored, after presenting his case before Congress. General Schuyler promptly tendered to General Gates the command of Ticonderoga; but it was sneeringly and disrespectfully declined. To a requisition upon Washington for tents, made by Gates, Washington replied: “As the northern troops are hutted, the tents must be used for southern troops until a supply can be obtained.” The reply of Gates is an illustration of his ambition and jealousy, and points the trend of his subsequent career. It reads as follows: “Refusing this army what you have not in your power, is one thing; but saying that this army has not the same necessities as the southern army, is another. I can assure your excellency, the services of the northern army require tents as much as any service I ever saw.” To Mr. Lovell, of the New England delegation in Congress, Gates wrote: “Either I am exceedingly dull, or unreasonably jealous, if I do not discover by the style and tenor of the letters from Morristown, how little I have to expect from thence. Generals are like parsons, they are all for christening their own child, first; but let an impartial, moderating power decide between us, and do not suffer southern prejudice to weigh heavier in the balance than the northern.” Washington, of course, used the term “southern” simply in its geographical sense; but this subtle appeal to Congressmen by Gates was exactly the counterpart of that of his most intimate friend General Charles Lee; and both alike, ultimately, paid the penalty of their unsoldierly conduct. On the ninth of June, Gates took a “leave of absence” and left the department.

Schuyler ordered all forts to be put in condition for service; appealed to the States to forward militia; and on the twentieth proceeded to inspect each post for himself. Although the garrison of Fort Ticonderoga consisted of only twenty-five hundred and forty-six Continental troops and nine hundred militia, it was deemed advisable to “protract defence until reinforcements could arrive, or the stores be removed.” St. Clair “did not consider it practicable to fortify Sugar Loaf Hill,” which, subsequently occupied by Burgoyne, placed the garrison at his mercy. Meanwhile, the personal inspection by Schuyler realized his worst apprehensions as to the actual condition of the troops in the Northern Department. Supplies, other than pork and flour, had not been accumulated, and there was nothing to sustain the belief of the American people that Ticonderoga had been made a real fortress. Schuyler hastened to Albany, to forward troops and supplies. St. Clair wrote as late as the last of June: “Should the enemy attack us, they will go back faster than they came.” But on the first day of July, Burgoyne was before Ticonderoga, and St. Clair abandoned the post without prolonged resistance. The absence of General Schuyler at so critical a time was the subject of a Court of Inquiry, called at his own request, in view of very harsh criticisms, chiefly from New England; but he was acquitted, with “the highest honor for services already rendered.”

The close observation of the American Commander-in-Chief, and the movements of Burgoyne’s army, drew from him, when so many were despondent, the following extraordinary prophetic letter to General Schuyler, dated July 22d: “Though our affairs have for some days past worn a dark gloomy aspect, I yet look forward to a fortunate and happy change. I trust General Burgoyne’s army will meet, sooner or later, an important check; and as I have suggested before [letter of July 15th], that; the success he has had, will precipitate his ruin. From your accounts, he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct which of all others is most favorable to us:—I mean, acting in detachments. This conduct will certainly give room for enterprise on our part and expose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would inspirit the people, and do away much of this present anxiety. In such an event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes, and, urged at the same time by a regard for their own security, they would fly to arms and afford every aid in their power.” This forecast of the Battle of Bennington was realized in its best promise; That battle, fought on the sixteenth day of August, in which General Stark and Colonel Warner won enviable renown, brought to the former his well-earned promotion. Other nearly concurrent events in the Mohawk Valley—the gallant defence of Fort Schuyler and the Battle of Oriskany, aroused the militia to action; and General Schuyler succeeded in organizing and preparing for the field a force fully adequate to meet Burgoyne’s entire force, with the assurance of victory. That he was superseded by Gates, and lost the command of the northern army on the eve of its anticipated triumph, was no discredit to him, but an incident of political management which Washington himself, at that period, was powerless to control.

On the seventeenth day of October, Burgoyne surrendered his army, numbering five thousand seven hundred and fifty-three men. The total strength of the American army opposed to him was eighteen thousand six hundred and twenty-four; of which number nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-three Continental troops, besides militia, were present.

Of the incidents most memorable in the entire campaign, was the monumental daring of Arnold on the seventeenth of September. Tedious discussions have in vain attempted to deny him due credit for bravery at a critical hour of that battle-issue; as if his subsequent treason were to be reflected back to his discredit. His eventual promotion, and the congratulations of Washington when it was attained, and the latest duly authenticated documents, are conclusive in his favor.

This brief outline of the invasion of Burgoyne only intensifies the interest with which the mind returns to the headquarters of the American Commander-in-Chief. Every possible effort had been made by him, and with success, to supply the northern army with men and means to meet that invasion. The side issues, especially that of Bennington, had, as Washington predicted, imparted courage to other Colonies than those which were immediately affected; for the cause was the common cause of all. The location of Washington’s headquarters in the fastnesses of New Jersey had already so restricted the movements of the garrison at New York, and threatened the city itself, as to prevent the promised support which Burgoyne had regarded as essential to the success of his invasion. A careful perusal of his evidence before the House of Commons, his field-notes, itineraries, and correspondence with General Howe and the British War Office, leave no doubt that he regarded his movement as having for its ultimate result the entire control of the Hudson River and the practical conquest of New England. But General Howe, having in vain attempted to force the American Commander-in-Chief to abandon New Jersey and his perpetual menace to New York, or engage in a general action without choice of time and place, resolved to move by sea to Philadelphia and force him to fight for, or lose without battle, the American seat of government itself. His own views as to such an expedition are worthy of notice. While practically ready to sail for the capture of Philadelphia, he made other demonstrations, and wrote a specious autograph letter, which was designed to reach Washington, and put him off his guard. Washington was not deceived by it. It reads as follows, addressed to General Burgoyne:

New York, July 2, 1777.