CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

[BOOK I—ORIGIN AND ESTABLISHMENT.]
[Chapter I—The Castilian Monarchy.]
PAGE
Disorder at the Accession of Ferdinand and Isabella [1]
Condition of the Church[8]
Limitation of Clerical Privilege and Papal Claims[11]
Disputed Succession[18]
Character of Ferdinand and Isabella[20]
Enforcement of Royal Jurisdiction[24]
The Santa Hermandad[28]
Absorption of the Military Orders[34]
[Chapter II—The Jews and the Moors.]
Oppression of Jews taught as a duty[35]
Growth of the Spirit of Persecution[37]
Persecution under the Spanish Catholic Wisigoths[40]
Toleration under the Saracen Conquest—the Mozárabes[44]
The Muladícs[49]
The Jews under the Saracens[50]
Absence of Race or Religious Hatred[52]
The Mudéjares—Moors under Christian Domination[57]
The Church stimulates Intolerance[68]
Influence of the Council of Vienne in 1312[71]
Commencement of repressive Legislation[77]
[Chapter III—The Jews and the Conversos.]
Medieval Persecution of Jews[81]
Their Wealth and Influence in Spain[84]
Clerical Hostility aroused[90]
Popular Antagonism excited[95]
Causes of Dislike—Usury, Official Functions, Ostentation[96]
Massacres in Navarre[100]
Influence of the Accession of Henry of Trastamara[101]
The Massacres of 1391—Ferran Martínez[103]
Creation of the Class of Conversos or New Christians[111]
Deplorable Condition of the Jews[115]
The Ordenamiento de Doña Catalina[116]
Utterances of the Popes and the Council of Basle[118]
Success of the Conversos—The Jews rehabilitate themselves[120]
Renewed Repression under Ferdinand and Isabella[123]
The Conversos become the object of popular hatred[125]
Expulsion of the Jews considered[131]
Expulsion resolved on in 1492—its Conditions[135]
Sufferings of the Exiles[139]
Number of Exiles[142]
Contemporary Opinion[143]
[Chapter IV—Establishment of the Inquisition.]
Doubtful Christianity of the Conversos[145]
Inquisition attempted in 1451[147]
Alonso de Espina and his Fortalicium Fidei[148]
Episcopal Inquisition attempted in 1465[153]
Sixtus IV grants Inquisitorial Powers to his Legate[154]
Attempt to convert and instruct[155]
Ferdinand and Isabella apply to Sixtus IV for Inquisition in 1478[157]
They Require the Power of Appointment and the Confiscations[158]
The first Inquisitors appointed, September 17, 1480[160]
Tribunal opened in Seville—first Auto de Fe, February 6, 1481[161]
Plot to resist betrayed[162]
Edict of Grace[165]
Other tribunals established[166]
Failure of plot in Toledo—number of Penitents[168]
Tribunal at Guadalupe[171]
Necessity of Organization—The Supreme Council—The Inquisitor-general[172]
Character of Torquemada—His quarrels with Inquisitors[174]
Four Assistant Inquisitors-general[178]
Separation of Aragon from Castile[180]
Autonomy of Inquisition—It frames its own Rules[181]
It commands the Forces of the State.—Flight of Suspects[182]
Emigration of New Christians forbidden[184]
Absence of Resistance to the Inquisition[185]
Ferdinand seeks to prevent Abuses[187]
The Career of Lucero at Córdova[189]
Complicity of Juan Roiz de Calcena[193]
Persecution of Archbishop Hernando de Talavera[197]
Córdova appeals to Philip and Juana[201]
Revolt in Córdova[202]
Inquisitor-general Deza forced to resign[205]
Lucero placed on trial[206]
Inquisitorial Abuses at Jaen, Arjona and Llerena[211]
Ximenes attempts Reform[215]
Appeals to Charles V—His futile Project of Reform[216]
Conquest of Navarre—Introduction of Inquisition[223]
[Chapter V—The Kingdoms of Aragon.]
Independent Institutions of Aragon[229]
Ferdinand seeks to remodel the Old Inquisition[230]
Sixtus IV interferes[233]
Torquemada’s Authority is extended over Aragon[236]
Assented to by the Córtes of Tarazona in 1484[238]
Valencia
Popular Resistance[239]
Resistance overcome[242]
Aragon
Tribunal organized in Saragossa[244]
Opposition[245]
Resistance in Teruel[247]
Murder of Inquisitor Arbués[249]
Papal Brief commanding Extradition[253]
Punishment of the Assassins[256]
Ravages of the Inquisition[259]
Catalonia
Its Jealousy of its Liberties[260]
Resistance prolonged until 1487[261]
Scanty Results[263]
Oppression and Complaints[264]
The Balearic Isles
Inertia of the Old Inquisition[266]
Introduction of the New in 1488—Its Activity[267]
Tumult in 1518[268]
Complaints of Córtes of Monzon, in 1510[269]
Concordia of 1512[270]
Leo X releases Ferdinand from his Oath[272]
Inquisitor-general Mercader’s Instructions[273]
Leo X confirms the Concordia of 1512[274]
Charles V swears to observe the Concordia[275]
Dispute over fresh Demands of Aragon[276]
Decided in favor of Aragon[282]
Catalonia secures Concessions[283]
Futility of all Agreements—Fruitless Complaints of Grievances[284]
[BOOK II—RELATIONS WITH THE STATE.]
[Chapter I—Relations with the Crown.]
Combination of Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdiction[289]
Ferdinand’s Control of the Inquisition[289]
Except in Spiritual Affairs[294]
Gradual Development of Independence[298]
Philip IV reasserts Control over Appointments[300]
It returns to the Inquisitor-general under Carlos II[301]
The Crown retains Power of appointing the Inquisitor-general[302]
It cannot dismiss him but can enforce his Resignation—Cases[304]
Struggle of Philip V with Giudice—Case of Melchor de Macanaz[314]
Cases under Carlos III and Carlos IV[320]
Relations of the Crown with the Suprema[322]
The Suprema interposes between the Crown and the Tribunals[325]
It acquires control over the Finances[328]
Its Policy of Concealment[331]
Philip IV calls on it for Assistance[333]
Philip V reasserts Control[336]
Pecuniary Penances[337]
Assertion of Independence[340]
Temporal Jurisdiction over Officials[343]
Growth of Bureaucracy limits Royal Autocracy[346]
Reassertion of Royal Power under the House of Bourbon[348]
[Chapter II—Supereminence.]
Universal Subordination to the Inquisition[351]
Its weapons of Excommunication and Inhibition[355]
Power of Arrest and Imprisonment[357]
Assumption of Superiority[357]
Struggle of the Bishops[358]
Questions of Precedence[362]
Superiority to local Law[365]
Capricious Tyranny[366]
Inviolability of Officials and Servants[367]
Enforcement of Respect[371]
[Chapter III—Privileges and Exemptions.]
Exemption from taxation[375]
Exemption from Custom-house Dues[384]
Attempts of Valencia Tribunal to import Wheat from Aragon[385]
Privilege of Valencia Tribunal in the Public Granary[388]
Speculative Exploitation of Privileges by Saragossa Tribunal[389]
Coercive Methods of obtaining Supplies[392]
Valencia asserts Privilege of obtaining Salt[394]
Exemption from Billets of Troops[395]
The Right to bear Arms[401]
Exemption from Military Service[412]
The Right to hold Secular Office[415]
The Right to refuse Office[420]
The Right of Asylum[421]
[Chapter IV—Conflicting Jurisdictions.]
Benefit of Clergy[427]
Ferdinand grants to the Inquisition exclusive Jurisdiction overits Officials[429]
He confines it to Salaried Officials in criminal Actions and as
Defendants in civil Suits
[430]
Abusive Extension of Jurisdiction by Inquisitors[431]
Limitations in the Concordia of 1512[432]
Servants of Officials included in the fuero[432]
Struggle in Castile over the Question of Familiars[434]
Settled by the Concordia of 1553[436]
The Concordia extended to Navarre[438]
Struggle in Valencia—Concordia of 1554[439]
Concordia disregarded—Córtes of 1564[441]
Valencia Concordia of 1568[442]
Disregard of its Provisions[445]
Complaints of criminal Familiars unpunished[446]
Aragon—its Court of the Justicia[450]
Grievances arising from the Temporal Jurisdiction[452]
The Concordia of 1568[454]
Complaints of its Infraction—Córtes of 1626[454]
Case of the City of Huesca[456]
Córtes of 1646—Aragon assimilated to Castile[458]
Diminished Power of the Inquisition in Aragon[461]
Catalonia—Non-observance of Concordias of 1512 and 1520[465]
Disorders of the Barcelona Tribunal—Fruitless Complaints[467]
Catalonia—Hatred of the Tribunal—Catalonia rejects the Concordia of 1568[469]
Córtes of 1599—Duplicity of Philip III[471]
Increasing Discord—Fruitless Efforts of Córtes of 1626and 1632—Concordia of Zapata[472]
Rebellion of 1640—Expulsion of Inquisitors—A National
Inquisition established
[476]
Inquisition restored in 1652—Renewal of Discord[479]
War of Succession—Catalan Liberties abolished[483]
Majorca—Conflicts with the Civil Authorities[484]
Contests in Castile—Subservience of the Royal Power[485]
Exemption of Familiars from summons as Witnesses[491]
Conflicts with the Spiritual Courts[493]
Cases in Majorca—Intervention of the Holy See[498]
Conflicts with the Military Courts[504]
Conflicts with the Military Orders—Project of the Order ofSanta María de la Espada Blanca[505]
Profits of the Temporal Jurisdiction of the Inquisition[508]
Abuses and evils of the System[509]
Fruitless Efforts to reform it in 1677 and 1696[511]
Repression under the House of Bourbon[514]
Competencias for Settlement of Disputes[517]
The Temporal Jurisdiction under the Restoration[520]
Refusal of Competencias by the Inquisition[521]
Projects of Relief[524]
[Chapter V—Popular Hostility.]
Causes of Popular Hatred[527]
Visitations of the Barcelona Tribunal[528]
Troubles in Logroño[530]
Preferences claimed in Markets[533]
Trading by Officials[534]
Character of Officials[536]
Grievances of Feudal Nobles[537]
General Detestation a recognized Fact[538]
[Appendix.]List of Tribunals[541]
List of Inquisitors-general[556]
Spanish Coinage[560]
Documents[567]

THE INQUISITION OF SPAIN.

BOOK I.
ORIGIN AND ESTABLISHMENT.

CHAPTER I.
THE CASTILIAN MONARCHY.

IT were difficult to exaggerate the disorder pervading the Castilian kingdoms, when the Spanish monarchy found its origin in the union of Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon. Many causes had contributed to prolong and intensify the evils of the feudal system and to neutralize such advantages as it possessed. The struggles of the reconquest from the Saracen, continued at intervals through seven hundred years and varied by constant civil broils, had bred a race of fierce and turbulent nobles as eager to attack a neighbor or their sovereign as the Moor. The contemptuous manner in which the Cid is represented, in the earliest ballads, as treating his king, shows what was, in the twelfth century, the feeling of the chivalry of Castile toward its overlord, and a chronicler of the period seems rather to glory in the fact that it was always in rebellion against the royal power.[1] So fragile was the feudal bond that a ricohome or noble could at any moment renounce allegiance by a simple message sent to the king through a hidalgo.[2] The necessity of attracting population and organizing conquered frontiers, which subsequently became inland, led to granting improvidently liberal franchises to settlers, which weakened the powers of the crown,[3] without building up, as in France, a powerful Third Estate to serve as a counterpoise to the nobles and eventually to undermine feudalism. In Spain the business of the Castilian was war. The arts of peace were left with disdain to the Jews and the conquered Moslems, known as Mudéjares, who were allowed to remain on Christian soil and to form a distinct element in the population. No flourishing centres of industrious and independent burghers arose out of whom the kings could mould a body that should lend them efficient support in their struggles with their powerful vassals. The attempt, indeed, was made; the Córtes, whose co-operation was required in the enactment of laws, consisted of representatives from seventeen cities,[4] who while serving enjoyed personal inviolability, but so little did the cities prize this privilege that, under Henry IV, they complained of the expense of sending deputies. The crown, eager to find some new sources of influence, agreed to pay them and thus obtained an excuse for controlling their election, and although this came too late for Henry to benefit by it, it paved the way for the assumption of absolute domination by Ferdinand and Isabella, after which the revolt of the Comunidades proved fruitless. Meanwhile their influence diminished, their meetings were scantily attended and they became little more than an instrument which, in the interminable strife that cursed the land, was used alternately by any faction as opportunity offered.[5]

ABASEMENT OF THE CROWN

The crown itself had contributed greatly to its own abasement. When, in the thirteenth century, a ruler such as San Fernando III. made the laws respected and vigorously extended the boundaries of Christianity, Castile gave promise of development in power and culture which miserably failed in the performance. In 1282 the rebellion of Sancho el Bravo against his father Alfonso was the commencement of decadence. To purchase the allegiance of the nobles he granted them all that they asked, and to avert the discontent consequent on taxation he supplied his treasury by alienating the crown lands.[6] Notwithstanding the abilities of the regent, María de Molina, the successive minorities of her son and grandson, Fernando IV and Alfonso XI, stimulated the downward progress, although the vigor of the latter in his maturity restored in some degree the lustre of the crown and his stern justice re-established order, so that, as we are told, property could be left unguarded in the streets at night.[7] His son, Don Pedro, earned the epithet of the Cruel by his ruthless endeavor to reduce to obedience his turbulent nobles, whose disaffection invited the usurpation of his bastard brother, Henry of Trastamara. The throne which the latter won by fratricide and the aid of the foreigner, he could only hold by fresh concessions to his magnates which fatally reduced the royal power.[8] This heritage he left to his son, Juan I, who forcibly described, in the Córtes of Valladolid in 1385, how he wore mourning in his heart because of his powerlessness to administer justice and to govern as he ought, in consequence of the evil customs which he was unable to correct.[9] This depicts the condition of the monarchy during the century intervening between the murder of Pedro and the accession of Isabella—a dreary period of endless revolt and civil strife, during which the central authority was steadily growing less able to curb the lawless elements tending to eventual anarchy. The king was little more than a puppet of which rival factions sought to gain possession in order to cover their ambitions with a cloak of legality, and those which failed to secure his person treated his authority with contempt, or set up some rival in a son or brother as an excuse for rebellion. The work of the Reconquest which, for six hundred years, had been the leading object of national pride was virtually abandoned, save in some spasmodic enterprise, such as the capture of Antequera, and the little kingdom of Granada, apparently on the point of extinction under Alfonso XI, seemed destined to perpetuate for ever on Spanish soil the hateful presence of the crescent.

The long reign of the feeble Juan II, from 1406 to 1454, was followed by that of the feebler Henry IV, popularly known as El Impotente. In the Seguro de Tordesillas, in 1439, the disaffected nobles virtually dictated terms to Juan II.[10] In the Deposition of Ávila, in 1465, they treated Henry IV with the bitterest contempt. His effigy, clad in mourning and adorned with the royal insignia, was placed upon a throne and four articles of accusation were read. For the first he was pronounced unworthy of the kingly station, when Alonso Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo, removed the crown; for the second he was deprived of the administration of justice, when Álvaro de Zuñiga, Count of Plasencia, took away the sword; for the third he was deprived of the government, when Rodrigo Pimentel, Count of Benavente, struck the sceptre away; for the fourth he was sentenced to lose the throne, when Diego López de Zuñiga tumbled the image from its seat with an indecent gibe. It was scarce more than a continuation of the mockery when they elected as his successor his brother Alfonso, a child eleven years of age.[11]