[77] Anon. Passaviens. c. 6.—Processus contra Valdenses (Arch. Storico Ital. 1865, No. 39, p. 57).
[78] Radulpli Glabri Lib. iii. c. 8.—Landulf. Senior. Mediolan. Hist. ii. 27.—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 19.—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.—Guill. de Newburg. Hist. Anglic. Lib. ii. c. 13.—Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.—Chron. Turon. ann. 1210.—Radulf. Coggeshall Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet. XVIII. 93).—Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. iv. (Doat, XXX.).—S. Bernardi Serm. in Cantic. lxv. c. 13.—Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. iii. c. 21.—Constitt. Sicular. Lib. i. tit. i.
The story of the young girl of Cologne assumes a somewhat mythical air when we find it repeated by Moneta as occurring in Lombardy (Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, I. 88); but this only enforces the universal tribute to the marvellous constancy of the heretics.
[79] Radulf. Coggeshall l.c.—Pauli Carnotens. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. iii.—Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire, Lib. II. c. 2, p. 57.—Fragment, adv. Hæret. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 341).—Cf. Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1315.
[80] Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 15-21.—Muratori Anecdota Ambrosiana, II. 112.—Guillel. Tyrii Lib. II. c. 13.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 176; III. 3; v. 103, 110; VI. 140, 141, 212.—See also the curious letter of a Patarin in Matt. Paris, Hist. Angl. ann. 1243 (Ed. 1644 p. 413).
[81] Gerberti Epist. 187.—Radulphi Glabri Lib. ii. c. 11, 12.—Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 776-8).
[82] Ademari S. Cibardi Hist. Lib. III. c. 49, 59.—Pauli Carnot. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. 3.—Frag. Hist. Aquitan. et Frag. Hist. Franc. (Pithœi Hist. Franc. Scriptt. xi. pp. 82, 84).—Radulf. Glabri Hist. III. 8, IV. 2.—Gesta Synod. Aurel. circa 1017 (D’Achery I. 604-6).—Chron. S. Petri Vivi.—Synod. Atrebat. ann. 1025 (Labbe et Coleti XI. 1177, 1178; Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 68).—Landulf. Sen. Mediol. Hist. II. 27.—Gesta Episcop. Leodiens. cap. 60, 61.—Hermann. Contract. ann. 1052.—Lambert. Hersfeldens. Annal. ann. 1053.—Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 37.—Radulf. Ardent. T.I.P. ii. Hom. 19.
Bishop Wazo’s complaint that pallor was considered a positive proof of heresy was by no means a new one. In the fourth century it was regarded as sufficient to betray the Gnostic and Manichæan asceticism of the Priscillianists (Sulpic. Severi Dial. III. cap. xi.), and Jerome tells us that the orthodox who were pale with fasting and maceration were stigmatized as Manichæans (Hieron. Epist. ad Eustoch. c. 5). To the end of the twelfth century pallor continued to be regarded as a diagnostic symptom of Catharism (P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78).
[83] Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 17.—Schmidt, op. cit. I. 47.—Martene Thesaur. I. 336.
[84] Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 776-778).—Alex. PP. III. Epist. 2 (ibid. II. 628).—Concil. Remens. ann. 1157.—Hist. Monast. Vezeliacens. Lib. IV. ann. 1167.—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 18.—Radulf. Coggeshall ubi sup.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 208.