[419] Hartzheim IV. 436, 438.
[420] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 272, 298-300.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim, p. 537.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, p. 534.--Chron. de S. Thiebaut de Metz (Calmet, II. Pr. clxxi.).--Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1350 (Menken. II. 507).
[421] Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1833-4, 1839-40).--Dalham Concil. Salisburg. p. 157.
[422] Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. I. 1906-7, 1767-8).--Ullman, Reformers before the Reformation, Menzies’ Translation, I. 383.
[423] Conrad, de Monte Puellar. contra Begehardos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 342).--Mosheim de Beghardis p. 307.
[424] Carl Müller, Der Kampf Ludwigs des Baiern mit der römischen Curie, Tubingen, 1879, I. 234 sqq. When that bold thinker, Marsiglio of Padua, endeavored, for the benefit of his patron, the Emperor Louis, to introduce into Germany the principles of the Roman jurisprudence which had enabled the French monarchs to triumph over their feudatories and to become independent of the Church, he handled the subject of the persecution of heresy in a manner which has led some writers to regard him as an advocate of toleration. This is an error. It is true that he denies all Scriptural or apostolical authority for the temporal punishment of infractions of the divine law, and asserts that Christ alone is the judge thereof, and his punishments are reserved for the next world, but this is only to serve as a premise to his conclusion that the persecution of heresy is a matter of human law, to be ordained and enforced by the secular ruler. Though the heretic, he argues, sins against the divine law, he is punished for transgressing a human law; the priest has nothing to do with it, except as an expert to determine the commission of the crime, and has no claim upon the consequent confiscations (Defensor. Pacis P. II. c. ix., x.; P. III. c. ii. Conclus. 3, 30). All this is simply part of his general scheme to exclude the Church from control in secular affairs. Louis was never in a position to give these theories practical effect; they had no influence either on the current of opinion or on the course of events, and are only interesting as an episode in the development of political thought.
[425] Werunsky Excerpta ex Registris Clement. VI. et Innoc. VI., Innsbruck, 1885, pp. 8, 40, 63.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 383.
[426] Boccaccio, Decamerone, Giorn. I--Alberti Argentinens. Chron, ann. 1348-9 (Urstisius, II. 147).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1248.--Aventinus, Annal. Boiorum Lib. VII. c. 20.--Grandes Chroniques V. 485-6.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1348-9.--Froissart, Lib. I. P. ii. ch. 5.--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. ann. 1349.--Henrici Rebdorff. Chron. ann. 1347.--Alberti Argent. de Gestis Bertold. (Urstisius, II. 177).--Mascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1348.--Gesta Treviror. ann. 1349.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 253-4).--Erphurd. Variloq. ann. 1348-9 (Menken. II. 506-7). Accusations such as were brought against the Jews were no new thing. In 1321 all the lepers throughout Languedoc were burned on the charge that they had been bribed by the Jews to poison the wells. Doubtless torture was employed to obtain the confessions which were freely made. The story went that the King of Granada, finding himself hard pressed by the Christians, gave great sums to leading Jews to effect in this way the desolation of Christendom. The Jews, fearing that they would be suspected, employed the lepers. Four great councils of lepers were held in various parts of Europe, where every lazar-house was represented except two in England; there the attempt was resolved upon, and the poison was distributed. King Philippe le Long was in Poitou at the time; when the news was brought him he returned precipitately to Paris, whence he issued orders for the seizure of all the lepers of the kingdom. Numbers of them were burned, as well as Jews. At the royal castle of Chinon, near Tours, an immense trench was dug, and filled with blazing wood, where, in a single day, one hundred and sixty Jews were burned. Many of them, of either sex, sang gayly as though going to a wedding, and leaped into the flames, while mothers cast in their children for fear that they would be taken and baptized by the Christians present. The royal treasury is said to have acquired one hundred and fifty thousand livres from the property of Jews burned and exiled.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1321.--Grandes Chroniques V. 245-51.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet. ann. 1321.
[427] Amalr. Augerii Hist. Pontif. Roman. ann. 1320 Muratori, S. R. I. III. II. 475.--Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1320 (Ib. p. 485).--Chron. Anon. ann. 1330 (Ib. p. 499).--Pet. de Herentals ann. 1320 (Ib. p. 500).--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1320.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 245-6.--Cronaca di Firenze ann. 1335 (Baluz. et Mansi IV. 114).--Villani, Lib. XI. c. 23.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 617. Venturino was acquitted of the charge of heresy, but his free speech offended the pope; he was forbidden to preach or hear confessions, and was sentenced to live in retirement at Frisacca, in the mountains of Ricondona (Villani l. c.). He died in 1346, at Smyrna, whither he had gone as a missionary. He had preached with wonderful success in all the countries of Europe, including Spain, England, and Greece. His face, when preaching, shone with celestial light, and his miracles were numerous (Raynald. ann. 1346, No. 70).
[428] Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1349.--Chron. Magdeburgens. ann. 1348 (Meibom. Rer. German. II. 342).--Alberti Argentinens. Chron. ann. 1349.--Closener’s Chronik (Chron. der deutschen Städte, VIII. 105 sqq.).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1348--Hermann. Corneri Chron. ann. 1350.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1349.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 492-3.--Froissart, Liv. I. P. II. ch. 5.--Gesta Treviror. ann. 1349.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ ann. 1349.--Chron. Ægid. Li Muisis (De Smet, Corp. Chron. Flandr. II. 349-51).--Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1347.