This is, of course, a question of law, and not of legislation. I am sure that now, when partisan passion has subsided, both parties to this controversy would cheerfully acquiesce in any decision reached by our Supreme Court, and that the holders of these defaulted securities would accept whatever is awarded them in a long term bond at a low rate of interest, and on such an adjustment all parties, at home and abroad, could unite in maintaining the high financial credit to which the Empire State of the South would then be entitled.

In December of last year the Atlanta Constitution, discussing this subject, used the following language: “The burden of his complaint is, that the bonds have never had a hearing in court. This comes with poor grace from the ex-Governor, who, when the validity of the bonds issued under his administration was being discussed by the legislative committee, was absent from this country, his whereabouts unknown, and his testimony not procurable. The bonds were ‘in court’ then, and as Governor Bullock was not present with his evidence when it was needed, he should not complain that a new hearing is not had for his benefit.” To this I made reply, which the Constitution kindly published, and I will thank you to copy as follows: “I desire to say that I was not absent from the country. My whereabouts were known, and my testimony was before the committee in the full and complete report of the financial condition of the State which I made to my successor, sustained by the official records of the Executive and State Departments. I never received a request from that committee to come before them in person, and my presence would not have added to the information in their possession. Every request received by me from my successors, to aid in their investigations, has been promptly complied with. In accordance with such request I met Dr. Bozeman, financial agent, Attorney-General Hammond and Governor Smith, in New York, and also subsequently, Colonel Snead, Attorney for the State, and Colonel Kibbe, chairman of committee. No fact within my knowledge has ever been withheld, nor have I ever neglected any proper opportunity to contradict the statement that any of the bonds issued during my administration and reported to my successor were ‘bogus.’ But, Mr. Editor, the question is, shall a debtor pass on the validity and enforce judgment against his own indebtedness? I submit that a legislative investigating committee is not ‘a court’ in the sense that its findings are conclusive on questions of law. To hold a question so decided to be res adjudicata, is to sustain a legislative usurpation of the judicial functions of the government. If your position be well taken, that because the Legislature has decided against the bonds, the case is res adjudicata, and the judiciary is precluded—of what avail is our constitutional guarantee that the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the government shall be separate and distinct, and that neither shall encroach upon the functions of the other? What protection has a citizen for his property if a legislative decision upon a legal question must be regarded as final res adjudicata?

Does not the taking of other people’s money to build up our railroads, and refusing those people a hearing in courts of our own creation, before judges of our own election, indicate a want of confidence in the justice of our cause? The Territory and State of Minnesota used other people’s money to open up her lands by the construction of railroads, just as Georgia did, pledged the faith of the State for repayment, and then repudiated, just as Georgia did. After twenty years’ delay, justice has been done, and her obligations, as ascertained through her court, have been paid. I have faith to believe that the Empire State of the South will eventually keep pace with her sister States in the Union in meting out exact justice through her courts to every man, come from whence he may.


Hon. Wm. A. Post, Deputy Attorney-General of this State, by appointment, visited this city last Friday to take evidence on the Georgia repudiated bond question, the object being to determine the legal status of a new issue of bonds by the State of Georgia in connection with the savings banks of this State. Owing to the repudiation of that State, at present these institutions are debarred from investing in bonds of any repudiating State, and the effort now is being made by the representatives of the State of Georgia to remove that barrier, so that the savings banks can be gutted of their surplus means and filled up with the bonds issued by that State, which are more than likely to share the wicked fate of repudiation, as previous issues to the extent of $8,000,000 have done. The savings banks managers, even in the event of obtaining a decision authorizing them to take Georgia bonds for investment, should be held personally liable for any losses that may fall upon such institutions if they hereafter invest the funds of widows and orphans in a security which, judging from past experience, is almost sure to be wiped out and made worthless. Mr. Clews charged that Mr. Calhoun’s appearance in representing the State before the Attorney-General at Albany was a surreptitious proceeding, and was only heard of by mere chance by the holders of the repudiated bonds through a squib in a Georgia paper. He also stated that the bondholders had patiently waited twelve years for their money, and no body of creditors had ever been so lenient as those of the State of Georgia, and justice demanded that these long-suffering and much-defamed creditors should be settled with prior to the financial world according to the State of Georgia a sufficiently high credit to admit of her floating any new issues of bonds. A motion was made to adjourn the meeting until the 20th, which Mr. Post said he would accede to after asking ex-Governor Bullock a few questions in relation to the connection of the firm of Henry Clews & Co. and the State of Georgia during the time he was its Governor. He desired to make these inquiries now, as the ex-Governor was present and might not be at the adjourned meeting. Mr. Clews requested permission to state that his firm—Henry Clews & Co.—had never been agents for the State of Georgia, but merely acted for her as bankers and brokers. The agent of the State during the entire period of Governor Bullock’s term of office was the Fourth National Bank of this city. He stated that his firm received no bonds, excepting by purchase or as collateral, and advanced money to the State as it was needed. At one time the State owed for said advances as much as $1,650,000; the money so advanced was stated by Georgia’s officials as required to meet the expenses of the government of the State. Ex-Governor Bullock fully ratified Mr. Clews’ statement. He admitted that the Fourth National Bank was the State financial agent, and that he had placed a large quantity of bonds with Henry Clews & Co. to market and as collateral for advances. “I will say,” said the Governor, “that every dollar secured on the sale or pledge of these bonds was received by the State, and it was expressly agreed that the firm of Henry Clews & Co. should hold all the bonds in their hands as security for the indebtedness due them by the State of Georgia.”


Georgia’s Outlawed Bonds.

Newspapers in Atlanta, Savannah and other parts of Georgia have violently assailed The Graphic for its comments on the new issue of Georgia State Bonds as affected by the repudiation of a former issue. These journals are short-sighted, as are the people of Georgia who imagine that they save money by outlawing the obligations of their State issued in the usual manner. We will not impute deliberate dishonesty to them, but they certainly do not place their own motives in a favorable light when they exclude the holders of the repudiated bonds from even the right to present their claims before the civil courts of Georgia. Ex-Governor Bullock has been berated in the same connection, and he cogently replies:

“I have no pecuniary interest in the repudiated bonds or obligations. I have no lot or part in any scheme or combination by or through which public attention is or has been called to this matter. My attitude is that of a private citizen who has as high a regard for the honor and good name of Georgia as any man within her borders. I never obtrude “the bond question” upon the public attention. But when my official action is attacked in that connection I shall never fail to assert and re-assert that the financial statement made by me to my successor in office was the exact truth and that its correctness never has and never will be successfully controverted. In that financial statement were many of the State obligations, which in a time of great public excitement and partisan zeal were ‘outlawed’ by the action of a political body, and up to this day and hour the holders of such obligations have been denied that cool, dispassionate hearing of their claims which our courts alone can give. My ‘attitude’ is that Georgia is too great, that she stands too prominent in this country and in the world at large to accept the position of being a semi-annual defaulter and refusing to the creditor a hearing in her own courts. It is idle for me to assert or for you to deny the validity of the defaulted securities. That is a question of law, and no Georgian can defend his State while she slams the door of our courts in the face of our creditors. I assert that it does make a vast difference to Georgia whether her new securities are listed at the Exchange in New York. Our own people or other people can, of course, buy and own them, and I know the interest and principal will surely be paid, but unless the bonds are ‘listed’ they are not, in mercantile parlance, a ‘good delivery,’ and will not stand abroad as they should, equal with the best State in the Union.”

A State which once repudiates its obligations cannot be trusted not to do the same thing again. What guarantee can any investor have that the bonds which Georgia is now trying to put upon the market may not be outlawed by the next Legislature? The Graphic has no interest in the matter beyond that of upholding public morals, the good name of the State and the rights of swindled creditors. The State which repudiates is as foolish as the imbecile who cut off his nose to spite his face.—N. Y. Graphic, June 6th, 1885.