“I return you thanks for the messenger sent me on purpose, and your letter; and desire you to signify to the Nuncio, that if all the devils on earth and in hell had not conspired against me, I should not have been reduced to these difficulties and distresses; and that the loss of life itself would have been more tolerable to me, being now tired of it on account of the present difficulty, and I can think of nothing but redeeming myself; assuring you, that the misfortunes of my whole life have not perplexed me so much as this: to remedy which, though I am pressed by letters and most urgent business to go to Limerick, I still continue here. I swear to you, that I have been disappointed of seven thousand pounds sterling, which I thought as entirely my own as if the money had been actually paid to me; and all this since the resolution was published against sending the soldiers to England. I do not think it necessary to remind the Nuncio, that my enemies in Ireland are exasperated against me, because they perceive me so warmly and sincerely affected towards him, and know, that I shall always continue so; and because I should not hesitate to expose my life and fortune to the utmost danger, in order to bring to an issue his commission and business in this kingdom. This seems to me to deserve, that some pity and toleration should be shown towards me, especially in an event unforeseen by me, and forced upon me, and which has given me a vexation, than which I can imagine nothing more severe to me.
“I remain, in great affliction,
“Your affectionate Cousin and Servant,
“Glamorgan.
“Waterford, 3 May, 1646.”
His operations in Ireland were virtually terminated, every measure had signally failed, and he was without hope, after the Parliamentary publications, of regaining confidence with any party. Much as has been written on this subject, and ably as it has been investigated by Dr. Birch and other writers, it must be admitted that we gain little from the mass of evidence accumulated to enlighten us in respect to the personal character of the Earl of Glamorgan, beyond entire satisfaction that he acted solely as his sovereign’s agent, at his instigation, and entirely under such authority as he could alone give him under all the circumstances of such an important secret mission. Charles the First’s confidence in him was by no means misplaced, and he had no doubt well weighed his character before taking him into his confidence. For this inquiry he had sufficient opportunity while the Earl was at his court, and again while himself a guest at Raglan. He well knew the weak side of the father and the son, the one expectant that his Majesty would be “a defender of the faith,” the other warm-hearted, and generous, to an extraordinary and enthusiastic degree. Not alone were the Marquis and Lord Herbert deceived by the machinations of the wily monarch, but so likewise were the whole Roman Catholic community. Had it been otherwise we might suspect undue measures would have been adopted, but wherever such were carried into effect they were on the side of the Crown and not of the subject. Charles the First’s duality of character in this respect has never been, nor can be, successfully refuted. Embarking, therefore, in his Majesty’s cause, in Ireland, we cease to be surprised that the Earl of Glamorgan should, consistently with his faith, be in constant consultation with the Nuncio and conform to proffered oaths. In short, had he adopted any other course than that which he pursued, his negociations would from the first either have ceased, or merged into the dilatory measures attending the Lord Lieutenant’s previous course, which it was expected by the King that the Earl would be able to out-run and overmatch. But his utmost diplomatic skill was insufficient to grapple with and satisfy the grasping party on his own side; and he was equally unsuccessful placed in opposition to such practised politicians as Ormond, Digby, and others. And above all, a supreme difficulty must have been, the conducting of his entire system to accord with the subtleties and secrecies of the King’s personally communicated and private counsels. He was thus placed in many painful straits, but which his ardent, vigorous temperament determined him to overcome. In his position, however, the Earl felt a compulsory necessity to maintain great secrecy; negociating with many mental reservations. He had to satisfy the King, while he did not wish to disoblige Ormond, and although there was a natural bond of sympathy between himself and the Roman Catholic party, he could neither wholly accede to the Nuncio’s measures nor satisfy the Council. To the best of his ability he consistently and conscientiously employed the vast powers delegated to him for the good of his King and his country through his own party; so that no historian, not his most bitter, sarcastic enemies, can point to any single fact that could cast the slightest taint on the rectitude of his conduct throughout the unfortunate and unhappy transactions into which it was his misfortune to be drawn by a too sanguine, hopeful, but helpless monarch.
On the 3rd of April the Earl wrote to the Marquis of Ormond:—[A]
“May it please your Excellency,
“With many thanks for your letter delivered me by Sir Vivien Molineux, give me leave to congratulate your Excellency’s happy escape from the mischievous intentions against you by the wicked enterprise for the taking of the castle of Dublin. And as nobody joys more in your deliverance than I do, so cannot any one wish more heartily than I, that all the warnings which your Excellency hath had might prevail to persuade you, in whom you might totally best confide, and of whom to beware; and then with a stedfast resolution to adhere to your truest and most real friends. Amongst whom, if your Excellency afford me not a place, I dare boldly say that it is not for want of having already endeavoured to deserve the same by serving you, with as great expressions, both public and private, as my wish and will could possibly obtain unto. Neither shall my future actions be inferior to what is past, but shall (God willing) enact those things wherein my good will only can yet be seen: for upon the ground work of my professed reality and affection unto your Excellency, and of your noble and friendly acceptance thereof, have I ever thought to build a fabric of my future services to his Majesty and most real friendship to yourself, whose subsistence I tender as mine own. And if your Excellency’s first begotten and expressed confidence in me had not been retarded by some unknown means unto me, though I humbly and thankfully acknowledge you never suffered it to be extinguished; give me leave to aver with truth, that your Excellency ere this should have seen the remarkable effects thereof. But this is so copious a theme, as that I fear already I have been too prolix, I will therefore abridge myself, and not extend unto the latitude, which the truth of this subject prompts me unto.
“And to the second part of your Excellency’s letter, give me leave to thank you for your tenderness in not accepting the £2500 from me; but also your Excellency may know, that it is upon a reliance thereon, that the Council offered you the £3000, and for the performance thereof I am enforced to this journey, without which against the prefixed time I could not have supplied them with the money. Now to the latter part of your letter, wherein you promise I should at large hear farther from you, as upon Friday last; but yet have received no other your commands, which I expected, before I thought it necessary to answer yours of the 24th of March. But receiving no other your directions, I think it opportune to let your Excellency know, that, of three vessels which I sent for a convoy unto the Prince, Sir Nicholas Crispe, and Mr. Hasendanke, the merchant, I have but one return, Captain Allen being taken and stript. And I hear a packet of your Excellency’s, as well as letters, thrown overboard without weight, were taken up; which I look for shortly to have in print.[B]