In all well constituted societies, it has been found necessary to have a head, from which all government, laws and regulations, have emanated. These governments have been formed either of one person or more, the object being, "a means to an end," or more fully speaking, "the production of the greatest possible amount of human happiness." This fact is so universally admitted, that associations for every object, whether religious or political, scientific or trading, have recourse to a governing body for carrying out their particular views; and, perhaps, I am not far wrong in stating, that the only exception in Great Britain of an extensive religious community being without a government is to be found amongst the Jews, not because the exigency is less, but because, from their first establishment in this kingdom, the want was never so much felt as at the present moment; their position has now become matter of inquiry to every enlightened mind, and many circumstances have recently shewn the disadvantages which a want of system has entailed upon those who profess the Jewish religion in this country—disadvantages which will be particularised as we proceed.
In the peculiar position of the Jewish people, I cannot find a term by which to distinguish them, and must therefore apologise for adopting those terms which are already in use. They are called a nation; and I avail myself of the word: but in what consists their nationality? They are termed a body: in what do they assimilate? They are designated the British Jews: how are they identified with the title? The phrase, "Members of a certain Synagogue," conveys to the mind the only idea to which we can find any corresponding reality; for, in truth, beyond what it implies, the Jews are not united for any definite design or purpose; and while it would have been reasonable to expect, à priori, that the votaries of a faith set apart from all others, should have had some common bond of union in their affairs, we are startled by the consideration that there exist at this moment in London alone, a number of distinct Jewish Congregations, independent of each other, with separate wants and interests, having nothing in common but their religion: and all the great and noble advantages to be obtained by numbers, having a unity of purpose, are either unrecognised, or merged and lost in that separation of interests which makes the respective pecuniary benefit of each Congregation the greatest, if not the only object of its existence.
The provincial Congregations are precisely in the same injurious position, and sensibly feel the want of a defined and constituted authority—to decide upon many differences that arise—to interfere for the extinction of animosities (trifling in themselves, but made gigantic by continued contest) easy to be reconciled by a power to which all would feel compelled to bow—yet as pregnant with important consequences, if unchecked, as those causes which led for a period to the downfall of monarchy in these realms. The evil appears, so far as regards the Metropolitan Congregations, to have originated at, and been continued from, the period of the second settlement of the Israelites in this country. To the rapid increase of numbers and wealth, during the absence of one efficient regulating power, we can trace the successive formation of so many distinct communities.
To those elements which ought to have contributed to our strength, we thus owe our weakness, and that disorganisation and separation of interests which characterises the various proceedings of our body, in the formation of the necessary places of worship, and in other affairs. Had our ancestors provided a government at the outset, or placed us under the control of an adequate authority, no material disagreements would have taken place. But the narrow policy which led to the formation of parties, compelled them to take what might have been wisely and nobly given,—created feelings of aversion where the affection of parent and offspring ought to have existed. The wealth of the newer branches generated, on their part, a feeling of pride equally to be deplored; and in losing sight of the necessity for general co-operation, and for one common fund, every kindly feeling gave way to mutual jealousy. The example once set, was soon followed, and continues to be so on every opportunity: we blindly press onward in the same irrational course, without staying to consider that we impoverish the source, by continually increasing the number of the streams.
The same spirit of division (it cannot be called independence) enters into the details of all the affairs of the Israelites in their respective undertakings: it marks their general social position, and leads to a universal separation of interests. Every charity is encountered by another for similar purposes, in the east or west, as the case may be, to be supported by private exertion, and by opposing parties. One counteracts the other; both contend with all the force and feelings of competitors for public favour. The strength which would be tenfold if united, is wasted in petty rivalries, and in endeavours after show, instead of being employed in seeking the advantage of the objects to be benefited. Yet views of charity and religion, which the Jews entertain in common, and the sympathy that unites them, as it does individuals of every class possessing a similarity of belief or feeling, render it desirable to resort to a plan of centralisation and union, by which not alone the wholesome regulation of charitable institutions would be effected, but the education of the poor, and the intellectual advancement of the entire community, would be accomplished.
The anxiety of the poor Jews for instruction,—of the trading classes for moral improvement,—of the wealthy for a removal of civil disabilities,—of the religious for some alteration in the mode of worship,—in short, of every portion and member of the Jewish community, for an amendment of its social position, is so evident, that the following suggestions are put forth in the hope and belief that they contain the elements of a plan, which, if boldly and fully carried out, will tend to elevate the Jews from their present degraded and certainly unmerited position; and while it would improve them, it would enable the Christian world to do that justice to their talents and probity, for which at present, in an ignorance of their true characteristics, little credit is given to them; not because Englishmen are now indisposed to act fairly or kindly to their countrymen of a different religion, or from their indifference to the wants of our co-religionists, but because (in the fear of thrusting themselves before the public, where insult and contumely have too frequently awaited them) the Jews have not collectively manifested any desire for intellectual culture, nor attempted to disabuse the minds of their neighbours from the prejudices of what, as towards the Jews, may be termed an illiberal and bigoted education. As, however, it forms no part of my plan to recapitulate the oppression of the one party, or the quiet suffering of the other, nor to analyse the causes, but to take the Jews as I find them, I will leave to others the task of commenting upon the past, nor will I, by any invidious remarks, prove that they have always been an ill-used body; yet I cannot refrain from stating, that in no similar number of men in Great Britain, labouring under the same social and political disadvantages with themselves (unprovided for by the government, uninstructed, and with very few attempts made, until recently, by their brethren, to instruct them), will be found more humanity, kindness, honesty, and a disinclination to heinous crimes, than in the body hitherto scornfully designated Jews.
Attempts at extensive improvements are always termed visionary; and every effort towards advancement has been always met by the clamours of the ignorant and the interested. The general spread of knowledge has had to contend with the opposition of party and personal feelings; but these have never been enabled to stem the onward progress of enlightenment with any strength: I would, therefore, entreat those who with myself are seeking to carry out this scheme, and to arrive at a better state of things, to persevere, nothing daunted at the first repulse, but to continue their course, rising superior to the paltry prejudices that may and will assail them, until they have succeeded in procuring for their brethren, a name and a station worthy of them in the ranks of society—
"For freedom's battle once begun,
Bequeath'd by suff'ring sire to son,
Though baffl'd oft, is ever won!"
Let us not forget, therefore, that it is our duty to enlist the earnest co-operation of every individual that is to be benefited, and in that designation is comprised every member of the community. As a crime committed by a Jew, an illegal act, even an examination before a magistrate upon suspicion, is made a disgrace to the race, and reflects discredit upon the whole, the entire body—the very religion—suffers from it. Every living Jew—the very memory of the dead—demands justice; and as individuals have it in their power to contribute to the general honour or disgrace, it is our duty to implant the purpose that animates us in the hearts and understandings of all our brethren.