By the withdrawal from the public eye of all these unfortunate beings, a great improvement would appear, and certainly be very soon effected. The pernicious example would be unknown to the young; and the idly disposed would find the fee simple of their present estates devoted to the purchase of useful, industrious, and honest means of procuring them their subsistence.
Through the want of a well-regulated system of relief, under check and control, every beggar is an independent member of the Jewish commonwealth, employed in seeking, the entire day, whom to devour, considering himself entirely at liberty, morally and physically, to devote his entire time to the readiest way of getting money—honestly if he can, that is, by persevering importunity, but frequently by false representations, and other more disreputable means, of which the law takes no immediate cognizance.
We continually see the state to which this reduces him, but HE feels not the degradation to which he has become familiar, habit reconciling and making attractive his course of life, whatever may have been his feelings at the commencement of it. The persons who condemn are those who have driven him to this base means of existence; the facility with which money is obtained from those who give (through the habit of doing so from having seen their parents do it, or because they believe the distressed is a poor Jew and has no recognised refuge), induces an opinion that this is the proper and legitimate mode of Jewish charity: but no really laudable feeling enters the mind of either; nor does the giver always think he is conferring a benefit: he treats the applicant for relief generally as "a fugitive and vagabond on the earth," forgetting entirely that the debasement of this mind, the ignorance of this man, the slur that is cast upon the Jews by this individual, is entirely their own act. They, the wealthy, the honored, the enlightened, the pride of the people, are the culprits—not the poor, the ignorant, the destitute. Cheerfully might these be induced to regard the means of supporting themselves by their own industry. How gladly would they avail themselves of a reputable institution to receive them,—a house to shelter them—a supervision to protect, an asylum to support them! But have the leaders attended to this?
It is true, and honourable, and worthy of the highest praise, that many sources of relief exist, founded by the thoughtful, supported by the charitable, governed by the indefatigable; but many of these even, it is reported, have been commenced by those who are but little elevated above poverty in the neighbourhood where the distress has been most evident, and maintained subsequently by the personal interference of individuals, and the stringent appeals of private friends, which could not have been refused if wished, which dared not be neglected. An exception, the Jews' Hospital, was the emanation of a noble mind, and, backed by disinterested perseverance, induced all to contribute to so bold an undertaking, commencing from the highest: its sphere of benefit is, however, very limited. Unfortunately, few among us investigate whether any good, or what, is achieved by other societies to which all are ready and willing contributors. But the time has come, hastened by the Anglo-Jewish press, when we all see the necessity for action to the purpose, and immediate. We can do it well, at less expense; with less trouble, with more dignity to ourselves, and with more honour to our successors, than any class of conversionists can do it for us; and certainly much more effectually when we commence, as years of ineffectual effort on their part have proved.
Our motives cannot be impugned; the object being the purest and holiest command "to honour and succour the aged;" persons unknown to us, unconnected in every way with us except by their adoration and worship of the Creator by the same means, forms, and language.
I would suggest to all the charities as at present constituted, while their usefulness must be admitted, that their government, although it is to a limited extent good, does not answer many of the purposes that are desirable; nor does it prevent an individual obtaining from all sources the donations they distribute; nor do the present methods provide entirely for the object to be benefited.
Let, then, the present funds of all the charities be united, with grants from the congregations, and gifts or loans from private individuals. These will amount, in a very short time, to a sum sufficiently large to build one house for the reception of the aged decayed, the blind, the deaf and dumb, the idiotic, the helpless, and the temporarily destitute: the really destitute only to be admissible. Relief from all other quarters should be withheld, or a proper officer for the distribution of charity appointed; but if the friends of any of the inmates can contribute to their maintenance, they should do so to the general fund. This building should be divided into wards, each separate ward to be under the control, and supplied by the funds of the charity to which it at present approximates nearest: the objects of their solicitude would thus be under their immediate observation, and deriving much greater advantages than it is possible now to give. The existing committees would receive the voluntary subscriptions as at present, and devote them to the same purposes; but the infirm and poor would be entirely provided with every necessary, and a home. The details, however, must be left until the rules for general management are arranged: but it should be a fundamental principle, that every member of each committee should be a member of the general board; and a part of the details, that the beds in wards for the aged should be fitted as those at Greenwich Hospital; and that every committee man should have the power to inspect every ward. For the purpose of example, let us suppose the ward for the aged destitute established; the society whose object approaches nearest should take the management, and subscribe towards the general fund according to its means, say £1000.
Their subsequent annual contribution must be arranged in proportion to its revenue: for if their present income is £150 per annum, they can now only disburse £100, the remainder being swallowed up for various expenses. It would be desirable and easy for them to devote the larger sum, or nearly their entire means, to the purposes of the ward.
The same system adopted throughout the house would be ample for its support; and each charity would be carrying out to its greatest extent the object of its formation. In every ward there should be a tablet with the names of the Founders, Committee, and Subscribers above a certain sum. A portion of the expences of the establishment would be yielded by itself; the money now expended in managements would be produced by the registration; and any other deficiency, by the general fund.
The Society of Friends have a general register; and every member contributes to the local funds, these again to the general: thus sufficient sums are obtained for all proper and legitimate purposes. A somewhat similar modus operandi I would advocate for our adoption: the country congregations, being relieved from all expences except those of a religious or congregational character, would be enabled to support with more honour and better remuneration the clergy—who, feeling themselves (as their education should command) independent of obligation to their auditory, would preach the noblest and highest precepts of their creed, and urge a better worldly bearing.