[580]Mountmorres, ii. 142. As one house could not regularly transmit heads of bills to the other, the advantage of a joint recommendation was obtained by means of conferences, which were consequently much more usual than in England. Id. 179.
[581] Id. 184.
[582] Carte's Ormond, iii. 55.
[583] Vol. ii.; Mountmorres, i. 360.
[584] Journals, 27th June 1698; Parl. Hist. v. 1181. They resolved at the same time that the conduct of the Irish parliament, in pretending to re-enact a law made in England expressly to bind Ireland, had given occasion to these dangerous positions. On the 30th of June they addressed the king in consequence, requesting him to prevent anything of the like kind in future. In this address, as first drawn, the legislative authority of the kingdom of England is asserted. But this phrase was omitted afterwards, I presume, as rather novel; though by doing so they destroyed the basis of their proposition, which could stand much better on the new theory of the constitution than the ancient.
[585] 5 G. I. c. 5; Plowden, 244. The Irish House of Lords had, however, entertained writs of error as early as 1644, and appeals in equity from 1661. Mountmorres, i. 339. The English peers might have remembered that their own precedents were not much older.
[586] See Boulter's Letters, passim. His plan for governing Ireland was to send over as many English-born bishops as possible. "The bishops," he says, "are the persons on whom the government must depend for doing the public business here." I. 238. This of course disgusted the Irish church.
[587] Mountmorres, i. 424.
[588] Plowden, 306 et post; Hardy's Life of Lord Charlemont.