[x] Brady's History of England, vol. i. Appendix, p. 182.

[y] Brady's Introduction, p. 94.

[z] Hist. of Common Law, vol, i. p. 202.

[a] This assembly is mentioned in the preamble, and afterwards, of the spurious laws of Edward the Confessor; and I have been accused of passing it over too slightly. The fact certainly does not rest on the authority of Hoveden, who transcribes these laws verbatim; and they are in substance an ancient document. There seems to me somewhat rather suspicious in this assembly of delegates; it looks like a pious fraud to maintain the old Saxon jurisprudence, which was giving way. But even if we admit the fact as here told, I still adhere to the assertion that there is no appearance that these twelve deputies of each county were invested with any higher authority than that of declaring their ancient usages. Any supposition of a real legislative parliament would be inconsistent with all that we know of the state of England under the Conqueror. And what an anomaly, upon every constitutional principle, Anglo-Saxon or Norman, would be a parliament of twelve from each county! Nor is it perfectly manifest that they were chosen by the people; the word summoneri fecit is first used; and afterwards, electis de (not in) singulis totius patriæ comitatibus. This might be construed of the king's selection; but perhaps the common interpretation is rather the better.

William, the compiler informs us, having heard some of the Danish laws, was disposed to confirm them in preference to those of England; but yielded to the supplication of the delegates, omnes compatriotæ, qui leges narraverant, that he would permit them to retain the customs of their ancestors, imploring him by the soul of King Edward, cujus erant leges, nec aliorum exterorum. The king at length gave way, by the advice and request of his barons, consilio et precatu baronum. These of course were Normans; but what inference can be drawn in favour of parliamentary representation in England from the behaviour of the rest? They were supplicants, not legislators.

[] 2 Prynne's Register, p. 16.

[c] Brady's Introduction, Appendix, pp. 41 and 44. "The language of these writs implies a distinction between such as were styled barons, apparently including the earls and the four knights who were to come from the several counties ad loquendum, and who were also distinguished from the knights summoned to attend with arms, in performance, it should seem, of the military service due by their respective tenures; and the writs, therefore, apparently distinguished certain tenants in chief by knight-service from barons, if the knights so summoned to attend with arms were required to attend by reason of their respective tenures in chief of the king. How the four knights of each county who were thus summoned to confer with the king were to be chosen, whether by the county, or according to the mere will of the sheriff, does not appear; but it seems most probable that they were intended by the king as representatives of the freeholders of each county, and to balance the power of the hostile nobles, who were then leagued against him; and the measure might lead to conciliate the minds of those who would otherwise have had no voice in the legislative assembly." Report of Lords' Committee, p. 61.

This would be a remarkable fact, and the motive is by no means improbable, being perhaps that which led to the large provisions for summoning tenants in chief, contained in the charter of John, and afterwards passed over. But this parley of the four knights from each county, for they are only summoned ad loquendum, may not amount to bestowing on them any legislative power. It is nevertheless to be remembered that the word parliament meant, by its etymology, nothing more; and the words, ad loquendum, may have been used in reference to that. It is probable that these writs were not obeyed; we have no evidence that they were, and it was a season of great confusion very little before the granting of the charter of Henry III.

[d] Brady's Hist. of England, vol. i. Appendix, p. 227.

[e] 2 Prynne, p. 23.