Slavery and the slave trade in Africa

by Henry M. Stanley

The British East African Company, on the other hand, has been comparatively free to commence its commercial operations, undisturbed by armed opposition of aborigines or of Arab and Swahili residents. The welcome given to it has been almost universally cordial. The susceptibilities of the Arabs were not wounded, and the aborigines gratefully recognized that the new-comers were not hostile to them. Concessions were obtained at a fair price, and on payment of the stipulated value the company entered into possession, and became, with the consent of all concerned, masters of the British East African territory—a territory far more ample than what the founders of the company had hoped for at first.

Had the British East African Company confined its transactions and operations to the coast, it is well known that the returns would have been most lucrative, for over and above the expenditure we see by their reports that there would have been a yearly net gain of over £6000 available for dividend, which by this time would have been trebled.

But the Berlin Conference of 1884-5 expressly stipulated (Article VI.) that all powers exercising sovereign rights or having influence in the said territories (shall) undertake to watch over the preservation of the native races and the amelioration of the moral and material conditions of their existence, and to co-operate in the suppression of slavery, and, above all, of the slave trade; (that) they will protect and encourage all institutions and enterprises, religions, etc., re-established or organized, which tend to educate the natives; and in Article XXXV. it is stipulated that the power which in future takes possession of a territory, or assumes a protectorate, recognizes the obligation to insure in the territories occupied by it on the coasts of the African continent the existence of an adequate authority to enforce respect for acquired rights.

Therefore the back-land of British East Africa could not remain the theatre of slave raids, or unclaimed.

It devolved upon the occupants of the sea-frontage to exercise their sovereign rights, and in the due exercise of these to watch over the native races of the back-lands, and to co-operate for the suppression of slavery and the slave trade. It was incumbent upon them also to protect and encourage the Christian missions, without distinction of nationality or creed, which were established in Uganda—the most important because most populous and most promising of these back-lands. And to insure its acquired right to those countries it was necessary that the British company should be represented by adequate authority there, otherwise it would be in the power of any person, society, or power to bar its claim to them by actual occupation.

Following the declarations of the powers at the Berlin Conference in 1885 is the act of assembled civilization at Brussels in 1890, emphasizing and reiterating the conditions upon which sovereignty shall be recognized. They point out in detail what ought, what indeed must be done. They say that the responsible power ought—which is almost equivalent to must in this case—to organize administration, justice, and the religious and the military services, to establish strongly occupied stations, to make roads, particularly railroads, for the sake of easy access to the inland waters, to inaugurate steamer service on the lakes, erect telegraphic lines, and restrict the importation of fire-arms.

The British East African Company as a commercial company is unable with its own means to meet these conditions. What it can it will, and its ability is limited to a sacrifice of all the dividends available from its commercial operations on the coast for the benefit of the whole territory, and subscribing a few more thousands of pounds to postpone retreat. Yet as the delegate of the British government the company is bound not to neglect the interior. It is pledged to insure the protection of British subjects in Uganda, to protect the Waganda from internecine and factional wars, to place steamers on Lake Victoria for the protection of the lake coasts, and to prevent the wholesale importation of fire-arms. But in the attempt to do what Europe expects to be done the company has been involved in an expense which has been disastrous to its interests. It has established adequate authority in Uganda, but the maintenance of the communication between Uganda and the coast is absolutely ruinous. It has to pay £300, or thereabouts, the ton for freight. Thus, to send 150,000 rounds of ammunition, which is equal to twelve tons, costs £3600. To send the cloth currency required for purchase of native provisions for the force costs £12,000. Add the cost of conveyance of miscellaneous baggage, European provisions and medicines, tools, utensils, tents, besides the first cost of these articles and the pay of the men, and we at once see that £40,000 per annum is but a small estimate of the expense thus entailed upon the company. Meantime the transportation of steamers to Lake Victoria, the erection of stations connecting the lake with the sea, and many other equally pressing duties, are utterly out of the question. The directors understand too well what is needed, but they are helpless. We must accept the will for the deed.

This much, however, is clear: Europe will not hold the British East African Company, but England, responsible for not suppressing the slave trade and slave hunt. The agreement with Europe was not made by the company, but by Great Britain through her official and duly appointed representatives. When her official representatives signed the act of the Brussels Antislavery Conference, they undertook in the name of Great Britain the important responsibilities and duties specified within the act. The representatives of all Europe and the United States were witnesses to the signing of the act. To repudiate the obligations so publicly entered into would be too shameful, and if the majority in Parliament represents the will of the people there is every reason to think that the railway to the Victoria Nyanza, which is necessary for carrying into effect the suggestions of the Antislavery Conference, will be constructed.

I have been often asked what trade will be benefited by this railway to the Nyanza, or what can be obtained from the interior of Africa to compensate for the expense—say £2,000,000—of building the railway. There is no necessity for me to refer to the commercial aspect of the question in such an article as this, but there are some compensating advantages specially relating to my subject-matter which may be mentioned.

First. England will prove to Europe and the world that she is second to no other power in the fulfilment of her obligations, moral or material.