At Chegoimegon, on Lake Superior (or La Pointe, emphatically so called), I held my first and stated council with the Indians. This is the ancient seat of the Chippewa power in this quarter. It is a central and commanding point, with respect to the country lying north, and west, and south of it. It appears to be the focus from which, as radii from a centre, the ancient population emigrated; and the interior bands consequently look back to it with something of the feelings of parental relation. News from the frontiers flies back to it with a celerity which is peculiar to the Indian mode of express. I found here, as I had expected, the fullest and most recent information from the lines. Mozojeed, the principal man at Ottowa Lake, had recently visited them for the purpose of consultation; but returned on the alarm of an attack upon his village.
The Indians listened with attention to the message transmitted to them from the President, and to the statements with which it was enforced. Pezhickee, the venerable and respected chief of the place, was their speaker in reply. He lamented the war, and admitted the folly of keeping it up; but it was carried on by the Chippewas in self-defence, and by volunteer parties of young men, acting without the sanction of the old chiefs. He thought the same remark due to the elder Sioux chiefs, who probably did not sanction the crossing of the lines, but could not restrain their young men. He lived, he said, in an isolated situation, did not mingle in the interior broils, and did not deem himself responsible for acts done out of his own village, and certainly not for the acts of the villages of Torch Lake, Ottowa Lake, and the St. Croix. He had uniformly advised his people to sit still and remain at peace, and he believed that none of his young men had joined the war-parties of last year. The Government, he said, should have his hearty co-operation in restoring peace. He referred to the sub-agency established here in 1826, spoke of its benefits, and wished to know why the agent had been withdrawn, and whether he would be instructed to return? In the course of his reply, he said that formerly, when the Indians lived under the British government, they were usually told what to do, and in very distinct terms; but they were now at a loss. From what had been said and done at the treaty of Fond du Lac, he expected the care and protection of the American government, and that they would advance towards, instead of (as in the case of the sub-agency) withdrawing from them. He was rather at a loss for our views respecting the Chippewas, and he wished much for my advice in their affairs.
I thought it requisite to make a distinct reply to this point. I told him that when they lived under the British government, they were justified in shaping their course according to the advice they received; but that, on the transfer of the country, their allegiance was transferred with it. And when our Government hoisted its flag at Mackinac (1796), it expected from the Indians living within our boundaries the respect due to it; and it acknowledged, at the same time, the reciprocal obligations of care and protection. That it always aimed to fulfil these obligations, of which facts within his own knowledge and memory would afford ample proofs. I referred him to the several efforts the Government had made to establish a lasting peace between the Chippewas and Sioux; for which purpose the President had sent one of his principal men (alluding to Gov. Cass), in 1820, who had visited their most extreme northwestern villages, and induced themselves and the Sioux to smoke the pipe of peace together at St. Peter's. In accordance with these views, and acting on the information then acquired, the President had established an agency for their tribe at Sault Ste. Marie, in 1822. That, in 1825, he had assembled at Prairie du Chien all the tribes who were at variance on the Upper Mississippi, and persuaded them to make peace, and, as one of the best means of insuring its permanency, had fixed the boundaries of their lands. Seeing that the Chippewas and Sioux still continued an harassing and useless contest, he had sent me to remind them of this peace and these boundaries, which, I added, you, Perikee, yourself agreed to, and signed, in my presence. I come to bring you back to the terms of this treaty. Are not these proofs of his care and attention? Are not these clear indications of his, views respecting the Chippewas? The chief was evidently affected by this recital. The truth appeared to strike him forcibly; and he said, in a short reply, that he was now advised; that he would hereafter feel himself to be advised, &c. He made some remarks on the establishment of a mission school, &c., which, being irrelevant, are omitted. He presented a pipe, with an ornamented stem, as a token of his friendship, and his desire of peace.
I requested him to furnish messengers to take belts of wampum and tobacco, with three separate messages, viz: to Yellow River, to Ottowa Lake, and to Lac du Flambeau, or Torch Lake; and also, as the water was low, to aid me in the ascent of the Mauvaise River, and to supply guides for each of the military canoes, as the soldiers would here leave their barge, and were unacquainted with the difficulties of the ascent. He accordingly sent his oldest son (Che-che-gwy-ung) and another person, with the messages, by a direct trail, leading into the St. Croix country. He also furnished several young Chippewas to aid us on the Mauvaise, and to carry baggage on the long portage into the first intermediate lake west of that stream.
After the distribution of presents, I left Chegoimegon on the 18th of July. The first party of Indians met at the Namakagon, belonging to a Chippewa village called Pukwaewa; having, as its geographical centre and trading-post, Ottowa Lake. As I had directed part of the expedition to precede me there, during my journey to Yellow River, I requested these Indians to meet me at Ottowa Lake, and assist in conveying the stores and provisions to that place—a service which they cheerfully performed. On ascending the lower part of the Namakagon, I learned that my messenger from Lake Superior had passed, and, on reaching Yellow River, I found the Indians assembled and waiting. They were encamped on an elevated ridge, called Pekogunagun, or the Hip Bone, and fired a salute from its summit. Several of the neighboring Indians came in after my arrival. Others, with their chiefs, were hourly expected. I did not deem it necessary for all to come in, but proceeded to lay before them the objects of my visit, and to solicit their co-operation in an attempt to make a permanent peace with the Sioux, whose borders we then were near. Kabamappa, the principal chief, not being a speaker, responded to my statements and recommendations through another person (Sha-ne-wa-gwun-ai-be). He said that the Sioux were of bad faith; that they never refused to smoke the pipe of peace with them, and they never failed to violate the promise of peace thus solemnly made. He referred to an attack they made last year on a band of Chippewas and half-breeds, and the murder of four persons. Perpetual vigilance was required to meet these inroads. Yet he could assert, fearlessly, that no Chippewa war-party from the St. Croix had crossed the Sioux line for years; that the murder he had mentioned was committed within the Chippewa lines; and although it was said, at the treaty of Prairie du Chien, that the first aggressor of territorial rights should be punished, neither punishment was inflicted by the Government, nor had any atonement or apology thus far been made for this act by the Sioux. He said his influence had been exerted in favor of peace; that he had uniformly advised both chiefs and warriors to this effect; and he stood ready now to do whatever it was reasonable he should do on the subject.
I told him it was not a question of recrimination that was before us. It was not even necessary to go into the inquiry of who had spilt the first blood since the treaty of Prairie du Chien. The treaty had been violated. The lines had been crossed. Murders had been committed by the Chippewas and by the Sioux. These murders had reached the ears of the President, and he was resolved to put a stop to them. I did not doubt but that the advice of the old chiefs, on each side, had been pacific. I did not doubt but that his course had been particularly so. But rash young men, of each party, had raised the war-club; and when they could not go openly, they went secretly. A stop must be put to this course, and it was necessary the first movement should be made somewhere. It was proper it should be made here, and be made at this time. Nothing could be lost by it; much might be gained; and if a negotiation was opened with the Sioux chiefs while I remained, I would second it by sending an explanatory message to the chiefs and to their agent. I recommended that Kabamappa and Shakoba, the war-chief of Snake River, should send jointly wampum and tobacco to the Petite Corbeau and to Wabisha, the leading Sioux chiefs on the Mississippi, inviting them to renew the league of friendship, and protesting their own sincerity in the offer. I concluded by presenting him with a flag, tobacco, wampum, and ribbons, to be used in the negotiation. After a consultation, he said he would not only send the messages, but, as he now had the protection of a flag, he would himself go with the chief Shakoba to the Petite Corbeau's village. I accompanied these renewed offers of peace with explanatory messages, in my own name, to Petite Corbeau and to Wabisha, and a letter to Mr. Taliaferro, the Indian agent at St. Peter's, informing him of these steps, and soliciting his co-operation. A copy of this letter is hereunto annexed. I closed the council by the distribution of presents; after which the Indians called my attention to the conduct of their trader, &c.
Information was given me immediately after my arrival at Yellow River, that Neenaba, a popular war-leader from the Red Cedar fork of Chippewa River, had very recently danced the war-dance with thirty men at Rice Lake of Yellow River, and that his object was to enlist the young men of that place in a war-party against the Sioux. I also learned that my message for Ottowa Lake had been promptly transmitted through Neenaba, whom I was now anxious to see. I lost not an hour in reascending the St. Croix and the Namakagon. I purchased two additional canoes of the Indians, and distributed my men in them, to lighten the draught of water, and facilitate the ascent; and, by pushing early and late, we reached Ottowa Lake on the fifth day in the morning. Neenaba had, however, delivered his message, and departed. I was received in a very friendly and welcome manner, by Mozojeed, of the band of Ottowa Lake; Wabezhais, of the Red Devil's band of the South Pukwaewa; and Odabossa, of the Upper Namakagon. After passing the usual formalities, I prepared to meet them in council the same day, and communicate to them the objects of my mission.
In the course of the conference at this place, I obtained the particulars of a dispute which had arisen between the Chippewas of this quarter, which now added to their alarm, as they feared the latter would act in coincidence with their ancient enemies, the Sioux. The reports of this disturbance had reached me at the Sault, and they continued, with some variations, until my arrival here. The following are the material facts in relation to this new cause of disquietude: In the summer of 1827, Okunzhewug, an old woman, the wife of Kishkemun, the principal chief of Torch Lake, a man superannuated and blind, attended the treaty of Butte des Morts, bearing her husband's medal. She was treated with the respect due to the character she represented, and ample presents were directed to be given to her; among other things, a handsome hat. The latter article had been requested of her by a young Menomonie, and refused. It is thought a general feeling of jealousy was excited by her good reception. A number of the Menomonies went on her return route as far as the Clover Portage, where she was last seen. Having never returned to her village, the Chippewas attributed her death to the Menomonies. Her husband died soon after; but she had numerous and influential relatives to avenge her real or supposed murder. This is the account delivered by the Chippewas, and it is corroborated by reports from the traders of that section of the country. Her singular disappearance and secret death at the Clover Portage, is undisputed; and whether caused or not by any agency of the Menomonies, the belief of such agency, and that of the most direct kind, is fixed in the minds of the Chippewas, and has furnished the basis of their subsequent acts in relation to the Menomonie hunting-parties who have visited the lower part of Chippewa River. Two women belonging to one of these parties were killed by a Chippewa war-party traversing that part of the country the ensuing year. The act was disclaimed by them as not being intentional, and it was declared they supposed the women to be Sioux. On a close inquiry, however, I found the persons who committed this act were relatives of Okunzewug, which renders it probable that the murder was intentionally perpetrated. This act further widened the breach between the two hitherto fraternal tribes; and the Chippewas of this quarter began to regard the Menomonie hunting-parties, who entered the mouth of the Chippewa River, as intruders on their lands. Among a people whose means of verbal information is speedy, and whose natural sense of right and wrong is acute, the more than usual friendship and apparent alliance which have taken place between the Menomonies and Sioux, in the contest between the Sacs and Foxes, and the murder by them jointly of the Fox chief White Skin and his companions at a smoking council, in 1830, have operated to increase the feeling of distrust; so much so, that it was openly reported at Chegoimegon, at Yellow River, and Ottowa Lake, that the Menomonies had formed a league with the Sioux against the Chippewas also, and they were fearful of an attack from them. A circumstance that had given point to this fear, and made it a subject of absorbing interest, when I arrived at Ottowa Lake, was the recent murder of a Menomonie chief by a Chippewa of that quarter, and the demand of satisfaction which had been made (it was sometimes said) by the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien, and sometimes by the commanding officer, with a threat to march troops into the country. This demand, I afterward learned from the Indians at Rice Lake, and from a conversation with General Street, the agent at Prairie du Chien, had not been made, either by himself or by the commanding officer; and the report had probably arisen from a conversation held by a subaltern officer in command of a wood or timber-party near the mouth of the Chippewa River, with some Chippewas who were casually met. Its effects, however, were to alarm them, and to lead them to desire a reconciliation with the Menomonies. I requested them to lose no time in sending tobacco to the Menomonies, and adjusting this difference. Mozojeed observed that the murder of the Menomonie had been committed by a person non compos, and he deplored the folly of it, and disclaimed all agency in it for himself and his band. The murderer, I believe, belonged to his band; he desired a reconciliation. He also said the measures adopted at Yellow River, to bring about a firm peace with the Sioux, had his fullest approbation, and that nothing on his part should be wanting to promote a result in every view so wise and so advantageous to the Indians. In this sentiment, Wabezhais and Odabossa, who made distinct speeches, also concurred. They confirmed their words by pipes, and all the assembly made an audible assent. I invested Mozojeed with a flag and a medal, that he might exert the influence he has acquired among the Indians beneficially for them and for us, and that his hands might thus be officially strengthened to accomplish the work of pacification. I then distributed presents to the chiefs, warriors, women, and children, in the order of their being seated, and immediately embarked, leaving them under a lively and enlivened sense of the good-will and friendship of the American government, on this first official visit to them, and with a sincere disposition, so far as could be judged, to act in obedience to its expressed and known wishes.
The Indians at Torch Lake being dispersed, and my message to them not having been delivered, from this uncertainty of their location, I should have found reasons for not proceeding in that direction, independent of the actual and known difficulties of the route at that time. I was still apprehensive that my appearance had not wholly disconcerted the war-party of Neenaba, and lost no time in proceeding to his village on the Red Cedar fork. We found the village at Lake Chetac, which in 1824 was 217 strong, almost totally deserted, and the trading-house burnt. Scattering Indians were found along the river. The mutual fear of interruption was such that Mr. B. Cadotte, Sen., the trader at Ottowa Lake, thought it advisable to follow in our train for the purpose of collecting his credits at Rice Lake.
While at breakfast on the banks of Sapin Lake, a returning war-party entered the opposite side of it; they were evidently surprised, and they stopped. After reconnoitring us, they were encouraged to advance, at first warily, and afterward with confidence. There were eight canoes, with two men in each; each man had a gun, war-club, knife, and ammunition-bag: there was nothing else except the apparatus for managing the canoe. They were all young men, and belonged to the vicinity of Ottowa Lake. Their unexpected appearance at this place gave me the first information that the war-party at Neenaba had been broken up. They reported that some of their number had been near the mill, and that they had discovered signs of the Sioux being out, in the moose having been driven up, &c. In a short conference, I recited to them the purpose of the council at Ottowa Lake, and referred them to their chiefs for particulars, enjoining their acquiescence in the proposed measures.