[449]. For a late reassessment of that influence, see Jordan, R. F., ‘Dudok’, Architectural Review, CXV (1954), 237-42.
[450]. It is probable that Mendelsohn’s early projects and also the tower had some influence on the later development of ‘streamlining’ in industrial design. See Banham, R., ‘Machine-aesthetic’, Architectural Review, CXVII (1955), 224-8.
[451]. This sort of enclosure has come of late to be called a ‘curtain-wall’. Some of the skyscrapers of the nineties in Chicago, most notably Beman’s Studebaker Building of 1895 and Holabird & Roche’s McClurg Building of 1899, approached it very closely, yet in them the actual supporting piers remained in the façade plane as at the Fagus Factory and thus the ‘curtain’ was interrupted, not continuous horizontally. The first true example of the curtain-wall applied to a large urban structure followed within a few years after the Fagus Factory, and certainly with no influence from it; this is the Hallidie Building in San Francisco, completed by Willis Polk (1867-1924) in 1918 immediately after the First World War. But see p. 238 and Note 9 to Chapter [14] for Oriel Chambers of 1864-5.
[452]. See Note [[454]], below.
[453]. See Popp, J., Bruno Paul, Munich.
[454]. To those historians of modern architecture who find its relevant prehistory largely in the technical developments of the previous century and a half, the Fagus Factory is the more important; to those who accept that the architecture of the mid twentieth century had aesthetic as well as technical roots, the special ‘classicism’ of Mies’s project, like Wright’s contact with the American ‘Academic Tradition’ of the nineties, seems perhaps at least as important. The thesis of the late Emil Kaufmann, adumbrated in a series of books from his Von Ledoux bis Le Corbusier of 1931 to his posthumous Architecture in the Age of Reason of 1955, stresses—indeed overstresses—the relevance of the theories and projects of the revolutionary architects of the late eighteenth century to the new architecture of the twentieth century. If it ever becomes possible to subsume historically under a single rubric the ‘traditional’ and the ‘advanced’ architecture of the first quarter of the twentieth century, the ‘classicism’ and ‘academicism’ of Wright, Wagner, Mies, and Le Corbusier as well as of Perret and Behrens will prove as significant as the technical feats of those architects who erected the last great railway stations in these years and the tallest skyscrapers. Lest the issue seem a simple dichotomy, Mies’s respect for Berlage’s structuralism should also be remembered at this point; as also the Expressionism which influenced both Gropius and Mies after the First World War, not to speak of Wright’s ‘Baroque’ phase of 1914-24.
[455]. Le Corbusier’s first publication was an Étude sur le mouvement d’art décoratif en Allemagne, La Chaux de Fond, 1912, giving evidence of his closer rapport with Central European than with Parisian currents at this point in his life.
[456]. For the early work of Le Corbusier, hitherto almost entirely unpublished, see Perspecta, 6 (1961), 28-33.
[457]. Le Corbusier’s relations with Loos were very close for a year or two after Loos settled in Paris in 1923. But he undoubtedly knew of Loos’s work well before the First World War, having been for a short stay in Vienna in 1908, at which time he had already begun to react against the dominant decorative emphasis in the work of Hoffmann and the Wiener Werkstätte.
[458]. As has been noted, Garnier’s book on the ‘Cité Industrielle’ did not appear until 1918, but his projects had long been generally known in Paris. His work attracted more attention in the early twenties, thanks to his own publication Les Grands Travaux de la ville de Lyon, Paris, 1919, and an article by Jean Badovici, ‘L’Œuvre de Tony Gamier’, in L’Architecture vivante, Autumn-Winter 1924.