HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
BY
HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
NEW EDITION.
TORONTO:
ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
60 YORK STREET.
1878.
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
| CHAPTER I. | |
| STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF THEREGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL ANDPHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERECAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES. | |
| PAGE | |
| Materials for writing history | [1–3] |
| Narrow range of knowledge possessed by historians | [4–5] |
| Object of the present work | [6] |
| Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due to chance or to supernatural interference | [8] |
| Probable origin of free-will and predestination | [9–12] |
| Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis of free-will | [12–16] |
| The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which exist either in the human mind orin the external world | [18–20] |
| Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and of nature by man | [20–21] |
| Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to murder and other crimes | [22–26] |
| Similar proof respecting suicides | [27–29] |
| Also respecting the number of marriages annually contracted | [31–32] |
| And respecting the number of letters sent undirected | [32] |
| The historian must ascertain whether mind or nature has most influenced human actions; andtherefore there can be no history without physical science | [33–35] |
| Note A. Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity | [35–38] |
CHAPTER II. | |
| INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATIONOF SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS. | |
| Man is affected by four classes of physical agents; namely, climate, food, soil, and the general aspect of nature | [39–41] |
| Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth | [41–51] |
| Their operation on the distribution of wealth | [51–64] |
| Illustrations of these principles from Ireland | [65–67] |
| From Hindustan | [69–82] |
| From Egypt | [82–93] |
| From Central America | [93–94] |
| And from Mexico and Peru | [95] |
| Operation of physical laws in Brazil | [101–108] |
| Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the imagination and the understanding | [118–119] |
| Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man; under others, man more than nature | [120] |
| In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than the understanding, and to thisclass all the earliest civilizations belong | [120–121] |
| The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes | [122–124] |
| And by danger generally | [125–126] |
| Also by an unhealthy climate making life precarious | [126–130] |
| From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are mainly influenced by theimagination, those in Europe by the understanding | [130–132] |
| This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hindustan and Greece | [132–147] |
| Further illustration from Central America | [147–148] |
| Chemical and physiological note on the connection between food and animal heat | [148–151] |
CHAPTER III. | |
| EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANSFOR DISCOVERING MENTAL LAWS. | |
| In the last chapter, two leading facts have been established, which broadly separate Europefrom other parts of the world | [152–156] |
| Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and physical laws the mental are the moreimportant for the history of Europe | [156–157] |
| Examination of the two metaphysical methods of generalizing mental laws | [158–165] |
| Failure of these methods | [165–167] |
CHAPTER IV. | |
| MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL LAWS,AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE PROGRESS OF SOCIETY. | |
| The historical method of studying mental laws is superior to the metaphysical method | [168–174] |
| The progress of society is twofold, moral and intellectual | [174–175] |
| Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element | [175] |
| There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man improve | [176–177] |
| Progress, therefore, depends on an improvement in the circumstances under which the faculties come into play | [178] |
| The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action must be variable | [179] |
| But moral truths have not changed | [179] |
| And intellectual truths are constantly changing | [181] |
| Intellectual truths are the cause of progress | [182] |
| Ignorant men are mischievous in proportion to their sincerity | [183–185] |
| Illustrations of this from Rome and Spain | [185–188] |
| The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the progress of knowledge | [188–190] |
| The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause | [190–192] |
| Illustrations from Russia and Turkey | [195–197] |
| As civilization advances, men of intellect avoid becoming soldiers | [198] |
| Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe | [198–202] |
| The three principal ways in which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit are: | |
| 1. The invention of gunpowder | [203–209] |
| 2. The discoveries made by political economists | [210–211] |
| 3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling | [219–223] |
| Inference to be drawn as to the causes of social progress | [224–226] |
CHAPTER V. | |
| INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND GOVERNMENT. | |
| Recapitulation of preceding arguments | [227] |
| Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society in the aggregate | [228–229] |
| This being as yet little understood, historians have not collected proper materials for writing history | [230] |
| Reasons why the present history is restricted to England | [231–235] |
| Comparison of the history of England with that of France | [235–236] |
| With that of Germany | [237–240] |
| With that of the United States of America | [240–242] |
| Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellectual progress | [243] |
| Much may be gained in that respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France,Spain, and Scotland | [244–246] |
| Deductive spirit in Scotland | [246–252] |
| Influence of religion on the progress of society | [253–266] |
| Illustration from the efforts of missionaries | [254–256] |
| Illustration from the Hebrews | [257–258] |
| Illustration from the early history of Christianity | [259–262] |
| And from Sweden and Scotland | [263–266] |
| Influence of literature on the progress of society | [268–272] |
| Influence of government on the progress of society | [272–287] |
| Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws | [273–274] |
| The best legislation abrogates former legislation | [275] |
| The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade | [276–278] |
| Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes | [278–280] |
| They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury | [281–283] |
| By their laws against usury they have increased usury | [283–284] |
| By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge | [284–285] |
| England has been less interfered with in these ways than other nations, and is therefore moreprosperous than they | [286–287] |
CHAPTER VI. | |
| ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. | |
| Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations | [288] |
| An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw light on the changes in society | [289–290] |
| The earliest histories are ballads | [291–295] |
| One cause of error in history was the invention of writing | [296–300] |
| A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its early history | [300–307] |
| But the most active cause of all was the influence of the clergy | [307–308] |
| Absurdities which were consequently believed | [309–317] |
| Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin | [318–321] |
| And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey | [321–325] |
| The first improvement in writing history began in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries | [325] |
| But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen in Comines | [327–328] |
| And in the predictions of Stœffler respecting the Deluge | [330] |
| Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth | [331–332] |
CHAPTER VII. | |
| OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THEMIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. | |
| This absurd way of writing history was the natural result of the state of the age | [333] |
| The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improvement | [334] |
| Hence the supreme importance of scepticism | [335–336] |
| Origin of religious toleration in England | [337] |
| Hooker contrasted with Jewel | [339–343] |
| Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects | [343–346] |
| This tendency displayed in Chillingworth | [347–350] |
| Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel | [350] |
| Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increasing indifference to theological matters | [352–355] |
| Great advantage of this | [356–358] |
| Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority assumes a political character | [359–361] |
| Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court | [363] |
| Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne | [365–367] |
| Its influence upon Boyle | [367–370] |
| It causes the establishment of the Royal Society | [371] |
| Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the clergy to oppose it | [372] |
| The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science, because it lessens their own power | [372–373] |
| Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and agriculturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics | [375–380] |
| Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of political degradation | [380–386] |
| These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit | [387–388] |
| Aided by the vices of the king | [388] |
| And by his dislike of the church | [389] |
| He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy | [390–393] |
| The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with James II. | [394–396] |
| This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indulgence | [397–399] |
| The clergy then united with the dissenters and brought about the Revolution of 1688 | [399–400] |
| Importance of the Revolution | [401–403] |
| But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act | [403] |
| Hostility between them and William III. | [405–410] |
| Hence a schism in the church | [410–413] |
| Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism | [413–414] |
| Convocation first despised, and then abolished | [414–415] |
| After the Revolution the ablest men confine themselves to secular professions, and avoided entering the church | [415] |
| The clergy lost all offices out of the church, and their numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament | [416–418] |
| The church rallied for a moment under Anne | [418–420] |
| But was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield | [420–424] |
| Theology separated from morals and from politics | [424–426] |
| Rapid succession of sceptical controversies | [427–429] |
| Knowledge begins to be diffused, and takes a popular form | [430–433] |
| Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates | [433–434] |
| Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of independence | [436] |
| Corresponding change in the style of authors | [436–439] |
| Hence great reforms became inevitable | [439–440] |
| This tendency was aided by George I. and George II. | [441–443] |
| But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous political reaction | [444–446] |
| Ignorance of George III. | [446] |
| Subserviency of Pitt | [446–449] |
| Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of great men | [449–451] |
| Deterioration of the House of Lords | [451–455] |
| Ability and accomplishments of Burke | [458–461] |
| He opposed the views of George III., and was neglected by him | [462–467] |
| Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence | [467–476] |
| The king now favoured him | [476–477] |
| Policy of George III. respecting America | [478–482] |
| This policy reacted upon England | [482–483] |
| Policy in regard to France | [483–486] |
| This also reacted upon England | [486] |
| And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of England | [487–493] |
| Which were zealously enforced by the executive | [494–496] |
| Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eighteenth century | [496–498] |
| But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction was preparing | [498–502] |
| To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion, England owes her great reforms ofthe nineteenth century | [502–505] |
LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED.
[In order to assist those who wish to verify my references, and also with the view of indicating the nature and extent of the materials which I have used, I have drawn up the following list of the principal works quoted. When no edition is mentioned, the size is 8vo et infra. When the name of the author is enclosed between brackets, the book is anonymous; but in such cases I have usually subjoined some authority who gives evidence of the authorship.]
[Aarsens de Sommerdyck] Voyage d'Espagne, fait en l'année 1655. Paris, 1665. 4to. Barbier (Dictionnaire des Ouvrages Anonymes, vol. ii. p. 468, Paris, 1806) refers to an edition of 1666.
Abd-Allatif, Relation de l'Égypte, traduite par Silvestre de Sacy. Paris, 1810. 4to.