[160] In Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, ii. 313.
[161] This letter, from the manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, is published in Bibl. de l’École des Chartes (1906), lxvii. 587. Other documents on this mission, ibid. (1892), liii. 254-7.
[162] See papers of H. Lot in Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, 4e série (1859), v. 503-9, and (1875) xxxvi. 588-600. Also Bosio, ii. 58.
[163] Raynaldus, Ann. 1334, pp. 17-19. As the repetition of all the negotiations in connexion with papal attempts for crusades cannot be included in the text of my book, I refer the reader to the section on papal negotiations in the Chronological Tables.
[164] Deliberation of Senate, November 18, 1333, in Misti, XVI, fol. 40.
[165] Raynaldus, Ann. 1344, p. 11; Stella (in Muratori), col. 1080; Dandolo, p. 418; Greg., II, p. 686; Cant., III, p. 192; Mon. Hist. Patr. x. 757; Misti for 1344, fol. 30; Rymer, Acta Publica, vol. ii, part IV, p. 172; Commemorialia, iv. 80.
[166] For relations of Rhodes with Smyrna from 1347 onwards, see Bosio, passim, but especially ii. 80 and 118-19.
[167] Serbian chronicles, quoted by von Kállay, Geschichte der Serben, i. 66.
[168] In the fratricidal war of July 1913, the ignorant Serbian peasants really believed that they were fighting to take from the Bulgarians ‘the sacred soil of the fatherland’, as their newspapers and addresses to the soldiers called Macedonia. The name of St. Stephen was invoked when they went into battle.
[169] Orbini, Il Regno degli Slavi, p. 259, gives a circumstantial account of the assassination. He says that Stephen gave the order to men who strangled the old king in his cell at midnight. This does not prevent Orbini from saying later of Stephen ‘fu huomo molto pio’! Borschgrave, p. 266, is not certain of Stephen’s connivance.