Christopher was a jolly and good-natured man, who had no aptitude for affairs of state. When the Swedes complained of the piracy of Erik of Pomerania, he answered merrily: "Our uncle is sitting on a rock; he, too, must earn his living."
He deserves, however, as far as Norway was concerned, the credit of good intentions. He made an effort, though a futile one, to deprive the Hanseatic cities of their monopoly of trade, by giving equal privileges to the citizens of Amsterdam. The League was then less formidable than it had been, owing to the successful rivalry of the Dutch in other markets. It is difficult to say what the issue of the struggle would have been, if Christopher had lived. Death overtook him in 1448, when he was but thirty-two years old.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE UNION WITH DENMARK.
It has been said that, during the union with Denmark, Norway had no history, and this is partly true. The history of the Oldenborg kings, with their wars, and court intrigues and mistresses, is in no sense the history of Norway. Nor was the social development of Norway parallel with that of Denmark, during the reign of these kings. Though oppressed and politically powerless, the remoter kingdom escaped the utter misery and degradation which overtook its oppressor. The Danish nobility, though, like hungry wolves, they consumed the people's substance, did not succeed in reducing the Norse peasantry to serfdom, as they did their own. The so-called Vornedskab[A] in Denmark was but another name for serfdom. The nobles, who held the land, in a hundred ways oppressed and maltreated their peasants; they could sell, though they were not at liberty to kill them. Denmark, being an elective and not an hereditary kingdom, afforded the nobility opportunities for continually strengthening their position, by exacting an increase of their privileges of each candidate for the throne, before consenting to elect him. This contract or charter granted by the kings to the nobles (Haandfestning) became a terrible instrument for the oppression of those estates which were either unrepresented or without influence in the Royal Council. From having been a body, subordinate to the king, the council gradually became co-ordinate with him, and at last his superior. From this state of things it followed that the king needed some counterbalancing support against its overweening influence, and this support he sought in Norway. Here the election was a mere form, the succession being based upon hereditary right. The king could, if he was minded to redress the grievances of the people, rely upon their loyalty. Even if he was deaf to their complaints, they were disposed to excuse him, and hold his councillors responsible for his shortcomings. But, as a rule, the kings of the house of Oldenborg did pay more attention to the complaints of their Norse subjects than to those of their own, and they did this—first, because it was important to them to preserve the loyalty of the Norsemen; secondly, because the Norsemen, if their petitions were unheeded, stood ready to take up arms. They knew their rights from of old, and a continued infringement of them, on the part of the foreign officials, made sooner or later the war-arrow fly from farm to farm; and the king was confronted with an armed rebellion. Again and again the obnoxious magistrates, who had imagined that these sturdy mountaineers were as meek and long-suffering as their Danish brethren, were mercilessly beaten, maimed, or killed. Repeatedly the government was forced to concede to rebels what they had not yielded to supplicants. Unpopular laws were revoked, oppressive burdens removed, and promises made of improved administration.
[A] Prof. J. E. Sars: "Norge under Foreningen med Danmark." Nordisk Universitets-Tidskrift for 1858 and 1861.