(a) By the State out of Government funds.
(b) By granting concessions (land, &c.) and a small guarantee.
(c) By granting a considerable guarantee, pure and simple.
We stated that should the king sanction the introduction of railways, it would be for his Majesty to decide on which system they should be constructed. If by either the second or third, we believed a private company could be formed in London to undertake the enterprise on moderate terms.
We then entered into the advisability of further explorations and surveys being carried out, and said if his Majesty thought fit to grant £3500 towards the Exploration Fund for their execution, Mr Colquhoun or I would be willing to carry them out without drawing pay from the fund, as our services had been volunteered and given gratuitously to the work. Copies of this memorandum were submitted through Mr Satow to the Foreign Office and the Government of India.
We found the king an intelligent-looking young man, about thirty years of age, erect and well built, with a handsome face for a Siamese, a slight moustache, and his hair cut and arranged, with its parting in the middle, in European fashion. Although understanding English, the king spoke in Siamese, Prince Devan acting as interpreter. Annoyed, perhaps, at Mr Colquhoun’s plain-speaking letters to the ‘Times,’ his Majesty addressed his remarks chiefly to me. After entering very fully into our projects, and following the lines pointed out on the map, he said that the matter required careful consideration, and he must consult with his Ministers before determining upon his action.
Shortly after the interview Prince Devan assured us that the king had expressed himself strongly in favour of the railways, and would probably give his decision in a few days, on his return from his country residence, which he was about to visit. He likewise said his Majesty wished us to inquire in London and Calcutta what terms would be likely to be required by English syndicates who might be willing to undertake the projected railways, so as to enable him to judge whether or not it would be expedient to grant the required concessions. Mr Colquhoun replied that he was obliged to return at once to China, but I would remain in Bangkok to await the decision, and if his Majesty desired it, would be willing to negotiate the matter with secrecy and without delay.
Next day Mr Colquhoun left with Mr Scott, after giving me the names of people from whom I might gain the required information, and I removed from the hotel to Mr Satow’s house. Having procured the intelligence by wire, I had another interview with the prince, and told him that the lowest terms mentioned had been a seven per cent guarantee, with free land for construction purposes, but that perhaps a smaller guarantee would be required if the king granted leave for the timber necessary for the undertaking to be extracted free of duty from the forests. He considered, or pretended to consider, the terms very high, and said that the Siamese Government could borrow money at an interest considerably less than the guarantee, and construct the railway itself, which he considered would be preferable, as the railways would then be theirs. I said I was not aware that Siamese credit stood higher than that of China, and that China had to pay about seven per cent for her recent loans.[[30]] He could, however, easily settle the question by telegraphing to their consul-general in London.
He then asked me whether I knew for certain that the Indian Government would be willing to carry out its part of the Burmo-Siamese connection, as it would be useless for the Siamese to construct their branch to the frontier if the Indian Government did not intend to meet and join the Siamese line. I replied that there could be no reasonable doubt on the subject. The Chambers of Commerce, who represent our manufacturing and mercantile communities, had for the last quarter of a century been constantly urging our Government to connect Burmah with China, and our projected connection viâ Northern Siam was the only feasible one that could be made. The cost of the branch to the Indian Government would be but small, the benefits to be derived from it would be immense; it was therefore most improbable that a great commercial nation like England would let slip such an opportunity for increasing its trade. He might entirely remove that doubt from his mind; for if the Indian Government were to hesitate in the matter, our commercial classes, who formed the voting power of our nation, would insist upon its being carried out.
After remaining for some time in Bangkok visiting the sights of the place, which have been fully described by Carl Bock in his ‘Temples and Elephants,’ and by other travellers, I made an excursion with Mr Satow into Eastern Siam in a steamer belonging to Nai Sin. Nai Sin, in his stockings—all Siamese nobles wear stockings, and are as proud of them and as fastidious in their choice as our fashionable ladies are of their bonnets—stood a miniature swarthy Bacchus, some 5 feet 3 inches in height, and considerably more in circumference. Like Poo Bah in the “Mikado,” he held many dignified posts, was Deputy Lord Mayor, Town Magistrate, Commissioner of Rice Exports, and general go-between to the palace and to all distinguished foreigners visiting the capital. He bore the official title of Phya Thep Phaloo. His rank was denoted by 2500 marks, and he was proud of being a Siamo-Chinese and a near relation of George Washington, the late Chow Hona, or second King of Siam. When granted an audience with the king or with Prince Devan, Phya Thep Phaloo fetched you in his carriage, ushered you through the burlesquely clad guards, and acted as master of the ceremonies as far as the steps of the presence-chamber, and conducted you safely home again.