The rector of Christ Church was recognized by some of those who were crowding the aisles, and they made way for him so that he might get farther to the front where he could both see and hear. One man rose and offered him a seat, for the benches were filled; but he preferred to stand.

The gist of Lamar’s argument was that while trade-unionism was a good thing so far as it went—he himself was a trade-unionist—it did not go far enough. It was only through socialism, and through political action under the auspices of the socialist party that the workingman would be finally disenthralled. Socialism was the only instrument under heaven which labor could successfully use to enforce its demands upon society. If conservative socialism was not sufficient to accomplish that end, then radical socialism must be employed, and if radical socialism should prove to be insufficient, then resort must be had to syndicalism. In any event, at whatever cost, the capitalist must go. The era of the industrial commonwealth must be ushered in. And with that era would come peace and plenty, comfort and enjoyment, the luxuries of life to all who cared to have them. But this glorious end could not be accomplished without a struggle, and a fierce one. If labor was ever to release itself from the burden of such laws as made John Bradley’s disappointment and death a crime against humanity, it must turn deaf ears to the specious pleas of the old line politicians, it must wholly disregard the silly vaporings of the capitalistic press, it must shake itself free from the grasp of religious superstition and the benumbing influence of the Church, and, by its own unaided power, with the red flag of fellowship in the van, march on, as it surely had the power to do, to a splendid and overwhelming victory.

There was a whirlwind of applause. An enthusiastic adherent of the labor leader yelled:

“Go it, Steve! Give it to ’em! Give ’em hell!”

Before the last word was out of his mouth a stalwart Irishman, sitting well to the front of the hall, struggled to his feet and made himself heard.

“I object,” he shouted, “to this attack on religion. It ain’t nicessary and it ain’t dacent. Ye’re doin’ small favor to the workin’men, Steve Lamar, to be ladin’ ’em away from the Church. I’m a laborin’ man mesilf, and I know there’s nothin’ like religion to steady a man an’ put heart into ’im, an’ give ’im a stomach to fight for what’s due ’im from them that’s robbin’ ’im. Ye’re usin’ the divil’s logic, Steve, to desthroy the poor.”

In an instant the hall was in an uproar. A dozen men were on their feet demanding to be heard. It was only by continuous pounding with the heavy gavel that the chairman of the meeting was able to restore order to a sufficient degree to permit Lamar, stung by the Irishman’s criticism, to go on with his speech.

“I had concluded my address,” he said, when finally he was able to make himself heard, “but, in view of the interruption which has just occurred, I will say one word more. My friend, the objector, is evidently an adherent of a Church that puts a ban on socialism, and stands ready to give absolution on account of all sins, save the sin of making war on capital. Advanced socialism has no room within it for the pious creeds. Listen to what the leaders have declared. Karl Marx said: ‘The idea of God must be destroyed!’ Engel said: ‘The first word of religion is a lie.’ Bebel declared: ‘Socialism denies religion altogether.’ My friends, the best thinkers and the most brilliant leaders in the socialistic propaganda have pronounced against religion and the Church. I take my stand with them. It is the economic, the materialistic interpretation of history that is the key to human happiness, not the religious and the ecclesiastical. What the workingman wants is justice, not prayers; the full value of the product of his own toil, not pious charity. Capital controls and orders the Church, and muzzles the bishops and priests. Why, they dare not preach even the gospel proclaimed by the Carpenter of Nazareth whom they affect to adore, lest their masters be offended. I tell you the workingman who permits himself to be bamboozled by the preachers and the priests, and bribed by the so-called charity of the Church, is a short-sighted fool. He is forcing the very chains that are to bind him. Away with the Church! Away with religion! Use your own brains and your own consciences, and your own good right arms, if necessary, to work out your own salvation. Only so will you ever be free.”

Lamar stepped down from the platform amidst another storm of applause, not unmingled with vigorous protests. It was apparent that there were those in the audience who disagreed with him. Then, out of the confusion of voices, one voice rose, clear and distinct. The rector turned to look at the speaker, who stood not far from him, and at once recognized the man as Samuel Major, who had been Juror No. 7 in the Bradley case.

“Mr. Chairman,” shouted Major, “I believe this attack on religion and the Church should be answered. And it should be answered now, in the presence of those who have heard it. The Reverend Robert Farrar, rector of Christ Church and a friend of labor, is here in the audience, and I call on him to take the stand in defense of religion and the Church.”