“Entertaining no doubt of the constitutional power of Congress to exclude slavery from its own territories, and believing that such exclusion is demanded by the highest principles of morality and justice, she never can consent to its extension over one foot of territory where it now is not. If the other free states concur with her in this resolution, the thing will be done, and consequences left to themselves.”

Thus have the Whig party in this state, and its executive, pledged themselves not to extend slavery “one foot.” How many feet in the six hundred thousand square miles, into which the legislation of the last Congress permits slavery to enter?—which legislation the Whig party is now called upon to indorse,—that is, how many myriad pledges do they require us to break?

Let me now quote from another high Whig authority,—General James Wilson, of New Hampshire. For many years, probably no man has been considered a more authoritative expounder of Whig sentiment. He has been employed by the party, or the organs of the party, to traverse the country for the advocacy of Whig principles, and has been every where listened to with great acceptance. In Congress, he spoke as follows:—

“I hold that Congress is bound to take care of the territories, and so execute the trust as will best promote the interests of those who may hereafter be entitled to the beneficial use. As a member of this Congress, I feel that I sustain a part of that responsibility, and it is my desire to acquit myself worthily in meeting it. I desire so to acquit myself that my own conscience will not upbraid me, and that when I shall pass away, no reproach shall fall upon me, or my children after me, for my acts here upon this momentous question. I have, sir, an only son, now a little fellow, whom some of this committee may have seen here. Think you that when I am gone, and he shall grow up to manhood, and shall come forward to act his part among the citizens of the country, I will leave it to be cast in his teeth, as a reproach, that his father voted to send slavery into those territories? No! O, no! I look reverently up to the Father of us all, and fervently implore him to spare that child that reproach. May God forbid it!

“I have said that it is characteristic of the slave power to accomplish all of its political purposes in this government. I must now say that the power and influence of slavery over the action of Congress is impaired, if not entirely gone. [What an infinite mistake!] I make this declaration, not because I have any confidence in the politicians of the day. No, sir, I have none whatever. The politicians are just as ready now to betray their constituents as they ever have been. I am sorry to say there is evidence enough of this. My confidence is in the people. They have taken the matter into their own hands; they have brought themselves into order of battle and line, without the word of command from any political leader. Here they stand, with front rank, and rear rank, and rank of file-closers in position, with bayonets at a charge. They have spoken to their representatives in a voice of thunder, and warned them against abandoning their interests. They have bid them do it at their peril. The constituents have challenged their representatives to betray their trusts, and skulk and retreat upon them, if they dared.

“And, sir, the constituencies have spoken ‘upon honor.’ They are determined, and will execute their purposes. There was a time, when, if the slave power had any special work to be done, and wanted a northern man to do it, they hunted him up from New Hampshire. Little, unfortunate New Hampshire was called upon to furnish the scavenger to do the dirty work. That day, thank God, has gone by, and it will not come again very soon. [Wait a short year, Mr. Wilson, and see who the Hazael will be.]

“The north are not disposed to trespass or interfere with the rights of the south. Where slavery exists within the states, the northern people claim no right to interfere with it by any political action of this government. The people ask no action by Congress on the subject of slavery within the states. But gentleman need not ask me for my vote to extend the institution of slavery one single inch beyond its present boundaries. Did I say an inch, Mr. Chairman? Ay, I would not extend it one sixteen-thousandth part of a hair’s breadth. I would not extend it, because it would be doing an irretrievable wrong to my fellow-man; because it would be doing irreparable wrong to those territories for which we are now to legislate; because it would be doing violence to nature and to nature’s God; and because it would be a wicked and wanton betrayal of the trust confided to me by the free, intelligent constituency which has done me the honor to send me here.

“It shall not be in the power of any man to shake a menacing finger at me, and look me in the face with a jibe of contempt, and say to me, in the insulting language of a former representative from Virginia, [Mr. Randolph,] ‘we have conquered you, and we will conquer you again; we have not conquered you by the black slaves of the south, but by the white slaves of the north.’ No, sir, that remark shall never apply to me. Gentlemen need not talk to me, or attempt to frighten me, by threats of dissolution of the Union. Sir, I do not permit myself to talk, or even think of the dissolution of the Union; very few northern men do. We all look upon such a thing as impossible. But, sir, sir, if the alternative should be presented to me of the extension of slavery, or the dissolution of the Union, I would say, rather than extend slavery, let the Union, ay, the Universe itself be dissolved! Never, never will I raise my hand or my voice to give a vote by which it can or may be extended. As God is my judge, I cannot, I will not be moved from the purpose I have now announced.”

And yet this same General Wilson did vote for every one of these laws, excepting, perhaps, the last, which passed in the night,—fit darkness for so dark a deed,—and the next morning he was off for California. How can such a man stop this side of Botany Bay? Now, fellow-citizens, did you want me to disgrace myself, and you, and human nature, too, by such an act of flagrant apostasy? [A crash of noes.] Yet if these measures are adopted and sustained by the Whig party, and if those men who committed these nefarious deeds are justified and upheld by you, then how are you less guilty than General Wilson?[16]

Let me quote a passage or two from a speech delivered by one of my colleagues in Congress, the Hon. George Ashmun, who has, I believe, usually been considered pretty good Whig authority. In a speech made by him on the 27th of last March, referring to the subjects of slavery in the territories and the recaption of alleged fugitive slaves, he said,—