As Mr. Pitt neither granted suits nor received them, Newcastle revelled in a boundless power of appointing agents, commissaries, victuallers, and the whole train of leeches, and even paid his court to Pitt by heaping extravagance on extravagance; for the more money was thrown away, the greater idea Pitt conceived of his system’s grandeur. But none flattered this ostentatious prodigality like the Germans. From the King of Prussia[43] and Prince Ferdinand to the lowest victualler in the camp, all made advantage of English easiness and dissipation. As the Minister was proud of such pensioners, they were not coy in begging his alms. Fox, too, was not wanting to himself during this harvest, to which his office of Paymaster opened so commodious an inlet. Depressed, annihilated as a statesman, he sat silent, indemnifying himself by every opportunity of gain which his rival’s want of economy threw in his way. The larger and more numerous are subsidies, the more troops are in commission, the more are on service abroad, the ampler means has the Paymaster of enriching himself. An unfortunate campaign, or an unpopular peace might shake the Minister’s establishment—but till this vision of expensive glory should be dissipated, Fox was determined to take no part. But thence, from that inattention on one hand, and rapacity on the other, started up those prodigious private fortunes which we have seen suddenly come forth—and thence we remained with a debt of an hundred and forty millions!
The admirers of Mr. Pitt extol the reverberation he gave to our councils, the despondence he banished, the spirit he infused, the conquests he made, the security he affixed to our trade and plantations, the humiliation of France, the glory of Britain carried, under his Administration, to a pitch at which it never had arrived—and all this is exactly true. When they add, that all this could not be purchased too dearly, and that there was no option between this conduct and tame submission to the yoke of France—even this is just in a degree; but a material objection still remains, not depreciating a grain from this bill of merits, which must be gratefully acknowledged by whoever calls himself Englishman—yet very derogatory from Mr. Pitt’s character, as virtually trusted with the revenues, the property of his country. A few plain words will explain my meaning, and comprehend the force of the question. All this was done—but might have been done for many millions less—the next war will state this objection more fully.
Posterity, this is an impartial picture. I am neither dazzled by the blaze of the times in which I have lived, nor, if there are spots in the sun, do I deny that I see them. It is a man I am describing, and one, whose greatness will bear to have his blemishes fairly delivered to you—not from a love of censure in me, but of truth; and because it is history I am writing, not romance. I pursue my subject.
The estimates of the year will show how our expenses increased. When the Ways and Means were to be voted, the disposition of Mr. Pitt, which I have mentioned, appeared; and some other passions. He had taken umbrage at Legge from the time the latter had been associated with him in the testimonials of popularity which they had received together from many counties and corporations, or he might have discovered some of Legge’s subterraneous intrigues. The new-intended tax to answer part of the supplies granted, was destined to fall on sugar. Pitt, who rarely condescended to make use of any instrument for acquiring popularity, was less reserved on this head with regard to Beckford, who was a noisy, good-humoured flatterer, bombast, as became the priest of such an idol, and vulgar and absurd, as was requisite to captivate any idol’s devotees, the mob. On that class in the City, Beckford had much influence. He was pompous in his expense, or rather in his expressions, but he knew his interest, and was attentive to it. His fortune lay chiefly in Jamaica—a tax on sugar touched his vitals. Accompanied by fifty West-Indian merchants, he applied to Legge to divert the new duty; but the measure was taken. He was obliged to have recourse to Pitt, who professed being little in the secret of money-matters; promised the affair should have farther consideration, and that himself would be open to conviction on what he should hear in the debate.
The chiefs of the City had already been acquainted with the tax, and approved it; but Pitt obliged Newcastle and Legge to depart from their plan, though at so late a day, and to shift the new duty upon dry goods in general. Yet when the debate came on, Pitt reproved Legge for having been so dilatory with the taxes; and made an extravagant panegyric on Beckford, who, he said, had done more to support Government than any Minister in England; launched out on his principles, disinterestedness, knowledge of trade, and solidity; and professed he thought him another Sir Josiah Child. The House, who looked on Beckford as a wild, incoherent, superficial buffoon, of whose rhapsodies they were weary, laughed and groaned. Pitt was offended, and repeated his encomium, as the House did their sense of it. He added, that he thought a tax on wine or linens preferable to that on dry goods (which included sugar as part): he wished either had been proposed sooner: now he must sequi deteriora—yet why did he talk of his being consulted? Accident, jumble, and twenty circumstances, had placed him in an odd gap of government—but only for a time—he only desired to be an instrument of government, and the drudge of office. He wished for no power; he had seen what effect it had had on his predecessors!
But the most remarkable part of his speech on that and a following day, at least what was much recollected a few years afterwards,[44] was the commendation he bestowed upon excise, upon Sir Robert Walpole’s plan for it,[45] and upon that Minister. He concluded with declaring, that he should like a tax on hops better than on any commodity that had been mentioned. This, too, was very ill received by the House. Legge, as usual, kissed the rod with much humility—yet many, who knew he deserved to be crushed, did not approve the violent manner in which it was done.
On the Corn Bill, Sir John Philipps reproached Pitt with Hanoverizing. Soame Jenyns, a humorous poet, had indirectly done the same in a simile to ridicule the Tories, whom Pitt was leading towards the Court, and who had already gone so far as to agree to his most extravagant demands for Germany. Pitt was grievously hurt; and it required all the intercession and protection of Lord Hardwicke to save Jenyns from being turned out of the Board of Trade. Pitt was no less complaisant to Lord Hardwicke on a point of higher importance. Lord Denbigh[46] acquainted the House of Lords, that he should move to ask the Judges for their new Act of Habeas Corpus, (which Lord Hardwicke had promised to prepare,) and said he did not doubt but that Lord would second his motion. The Judges were accordingly summoned—but Lord Denbigh told them he had dropped his design. As he professed attachment to Pitt, the inference was obvious.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, who could be obsequious, too, and who was showing great management for the Methodists, so far as to enter into their superstitious prosecution of the bakers for baking on Sundays, was not rigid even on that or still more solemn days, when he looked towards Court. On the general fast he acquainted the King by the Lord Chamberlain, that he had provided a preacher for his Majesty, who would have all proper regard to necessary brevity—but the man happened to preach half an hour—double the time to which the King was accustomed; who complaining that the Archbishop had deceived him, the flattery came to light. The Prelate was not less attentive to paying his court in a point of greater moment. The King, persuaded that his indulgence to and toleration of the Catholics would secure him from their plotting, was constantly averse to every proposition of rigour towards them. Representations of Justices of Peace against their chapels in private houses were always quashed. Of late it had appeared in print, by concurrent testimonies of opposite parties on the controversy with Bower,[47] that a regular mission of Jesuits was established in London. They had attempted or suggested the assassination of the King of Portugal; they were detected and decried in France—Catholic kingdoms—in London no notice was taken of them. The Primate was too much occupied on forcing Protestant bakers to church, and in providing laconic preachers for his master!
Newcastle had now been long enough connected with Pitt to grow jealous of him once more. On a fine speech in the House of Lords, for the importation of Irish cattle, made by the Duke of Bedford, Newcastle commended him extravagantly; and soon after, a connexion between them recommenced by the intervention of Fox and the Duke of Bedford’s creatures. The consequences, however, did not soon appear, except in mutual diffidences of Newcastle and Pitt, the former of whom suspected the latter of designing to break on some popular topic; an opportunity which therefore the new connexion determined not to throw in his way, apprehending the power of his popularity. The jealousy, however, frequently broke out: the instances, trifling as they were, I shall sometimes briefly mention, as several of them led to higher matters.
The Privy Council sitting to hear the case argued of the captures made on the Dutch; Pitt, sensible of the clamour that would be raised, if the prizes were restored, went officiously early to the House of Commons, to mark, by his not being at Council, his taking no part in the decision. Newcastle went thither; but perceiving the politic absence of Pitt, his Grace pretended the chamber was too hot, and retired too. This was followed by the affair of the Judges: on a proposal the last year to exempt them from the new tax on employments, it had been agreed rather to increase their salaries. Legge had promised a Bill for that purpose; and John Campbell,[48] of Calder, a staunch revolutionist, said he would add a motion to convert their commissions during good behaviour into patents for life. Then followed the Debate on the Habeas Corpus, on which, though the opinions of the Judges were divided, they certainly were not very favourable to Mr. Pitt and the friends of the extension. Now when the time was arrived for fixing those salaries, Pitt told Newcastle that the increase had been made to reward the complaisance of the Judges on the Bill of Habeas Corpus, and that it was the largest fee that ever was given. This terrified the Duke so much, that he prevailed on Campbell to drop his intended Motion. The King, too, disapproved it; wishing, when he could, to leave the prerogative as ample as he found it. The Treasury, however, having advanced the salaries, were censured by Lord Denbigh and Lord Temple. Yet when it came before the House, Pitt, though he warmly opposed it in private, did not attend; but his friends, George Grenville and Beckford, attacked the Motion, and a Mr. Coventry told many entertaining stories of the Judges and their rapaciousness on the circuit, and of casual presents that they had converted into standing usages. Charles Yorke defended both the Judges and the measure—the latter with more success than the former: yet as the stories were neither flagrant nor of very recent date, the best apology for the Judges was, that so little could be objected to them. The additional salary was voted by 169 to 39; which occasioned Charles Townshend to say, that the book of Judges had been saved by the book of Numbers.