[178] He was the fifth son of the Earl of Shannon, [and M.P. for Knaresborough. He went out to the West Indies some years afterwards as Commodore, in the Thunderer, seventy-four, and perished with all his crew in the celebrated hurricane of 1779. He had married one of the daughters and co-heirs of Sir Charles Hanbury Williams.—E.]
[179] The trial is reported in the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1768, p. 587; 1769, p. 51–53, 108. Certainly the execution of these men would have been an act of gross injustice.—E.
[180] Mr. Joseph Martin, M.P. for Gatton, an ancestor of the present Member for Tewkesbury.—E.
[181] The Petition from “the major part of the Council of Massachusets,” signed by Mr. Dunsford the President of the Council. Lord North contended that by the constitution of the colony the Council could not act separate from the Government except in their legislative capacity, and in that case the Governor was President of the Council. Owing to the recent dissolution, they could no longer act in their legislative capacity. The President, therefore, had no authority to sign in that character. (Cavendish’s Parliamentary Debates, vol. i. p. 185.)—E.
[182] The resolutions had previously been passed by the Lords, and are given in Cavendish. They cite historically the acts both of the people and legislature of Massachusets, and they were accompanied by an address to the King, praying that he would direct the Governor of the colony to transmit the names of the persons most conspicuous in commencing illegal acts since the 2nd of December 1767 to one of the Secretaries of State, and would, if the information proved sufficient, issue a special commission for trying the offenders in Great Britain, according to the statute of the 35th of Henry the Eighth. The debate was conducted with ability and spirit on both sides of the House. Governor Johnstone tersely observed that the resolutions were untrue in point of fact, improper in point of language, and inexpedient in point of time. Mr. Grenville analysed them with his usual acuteness, and condemned the conduct of the Government as weak and inconsistent. He predicted the failure of all half measures. “If you mean,” he said, “to give up the proposition that you have a right to tax America, do it like men; if you do not mean to give it up, take some proper measures to show your intention; but do not stand hesitating between both,—if you do, you will plunge both countries into confusion.” Mr. Burke advocated the cause of the colonists with indignant eloquence. “Why,” he asked, “are the provisions of the statute of Henry the Eighth to be put in force against the Americans? Because you cannot trust a jury of that country. Sir, that word must carry horror to every feeling mind. If you have not a party among two millions of people, you must either change your plan of government, or renounce your colonies for ever.” Governor Pownall delivered a treatise full of information, which he took care should be accurately reported, and it has accordingly had more readers than it is likely to have found hearers. The resolutions were defended by Hussy, with judgment, good taste, and ability. Nor was Lord North deficient in making a plausible case for the Government. The House was as thin as when it passed the Stamp Act. (Cavendish, vol. i. pp. 191–225.)—E.
[183] The Speaker decided this to be an improper expression.—E.
[184] Alluding to the Paymaster’s place, which had been split into two, but was again given to Rigby alone.
[185] This debate is reported in Cavendish, vol. i. pp. 120–8.—E.
[186] Cavendish, vol. i. p. 128–31.—E.
[187] This surely was more disgraceful to the Prince than to Sir Laurence Dundas; but the Prince would no doubt have hanged, and with more reason, Lord George Sackville, if he had dared, and this did not obstruct that nobleman’s promotion.—E.