It has been stated that 519, or five-sixths of them all, were not over six months, and it now appears that on a scale twenty times larger than that given by Tardieu from his own experience, nearly two-thirds of the fœtal deaths induced by abortion were in from the third to the sixth month of pregnancy; the three periods included giving a much larger proportion than any others, and the two last of them being almost identical. The extreme paucity shown by the above table in the first and ninth months, and the decrease in the seventh and eighth from those preceding, are worthy of remark. It is probable that the sudden increase may be attributed to mental reaction after the first shock occasioned by the absolute certainty of pregnancy is past; and the subsequent decrease to the fact that in many attempted criminal abortions during the later months children are born alive, the mother’s courage then proving insufficient for infanticide and its greater and more probable punishment.
The truth seems to be that while frequently the crime is committed in the very earliest period of pregnancy, in the belief that possibly all alarm may be false, in most cases the woman waits a month or two to be sure that she really is pregnant. After the sixth month the comparative rarity of the crime is undoubtedly owing to the fact that fœtal life is then rendered certain by the perceived movements of the child, the more strongly as pregnancy advances.
It was formerly thought that the induction of criminal abortion was confined to the unmarried alone; there exists, however, abundant proof to the contrary. Had such been the fact it would be reasonable to suppose that with the increase of marriages, the number of premature and still-births would have lessened. In proportion, however, as the number of marriages has increased, so has the number of fœtal deaths, and in similar ratio the number of living births has declined; proving, as Husson was compelled to acknowledge of Paris, “a decrease in the fecundity of legitimate unions,”[96] explainable in nowise but by a criminal cause. Direct statistics on this point are still wanting, and must come, almost entirely, from medical men. The writer’s published experience has been already referred to; subsequent practice has only confirmed it.
Again, the victims of abortion are not confined to the inhabitants of cities. Of the prosecutions in France during 1851-53, it appears that but little more than a tenth of the whole number occurred in the Department of Seine.[97] But we have already furnished much stronger evidence on this point.
Finally, though the excessive extravagance of the day, entailing as it does to so many an annual expenditure incommensurate with their income, is accountable in no small degree for the crime, yet it cannot always be alleged. There is too much reason to believe that with our communities it is as with others. In France it appears that the poor and uneducated have on the whole the largest families, contrary in some respects to established hygienic rules; while, on the other hand, the rich are inclined as far as possible to restrict the number of their children, often indeed stipulating beforehand, at marriage or previously, that such shall be few or none.[98]
But not only must we believe that this crime prevails in our midst to an almost incredible extent among the wealthy and educated and married; we are compelled to admit that Christianity itself, or at least Protestantism, has failed to check the increase of criminal abortion. It is not astonishing to find that the crime was known in ancient times, as shown by evidence previously given, nor that it exists at the present day among savage tribes, excused by ignorance and superstition; but that Christian communities should especially be found to tolerate and to practice it, does almost exceed belief.
In the previous remarks, the French have been compared with our own people, not merely because of their published statistics, but because from their loose morals and habits of life they might be thought to represent the extreme to which the crime would be likely to obtain among civilized nations. We have shown reason to suppose that we equal them in guilt, if we do not exceed them. Now it must be borne in mind that the French are Catholic; that the rules of that church do not, as has been generally supposed, permit abortion in the earlier months,[99] but that they rigidly exercise over fœtal life throughout pregnancy the most absolute guard and supervision;[100] instances of this in cases where craniotomy is supposed to be indicated, are familiar to every practitioner. The church, here omnipotent against the physician, and desiring that every created human being should receive the benefit of baptism, demands that fœtal death must have taken place previously to the operation proposed. It does not seek for the signs of fœtal life, but takes this for granted, and requires that its absence must be proved before allowing the removal of the child, even though this is necessary to save the mother’s life.
The rule runs thus: “Sedulam operam dent sacerdotes, ut quantum poterunt, impediant nefandum illud scelus quo adhibitis chirurgicis instrumentis infans in utero interficitur. Omnis fœtus quocumque tempore gestationis editus baptizetur, vel absolute, si constet de vitâ; vel sub conditione, nisi evidenter pateat eum vitâ carere.”[101]
In cases where instrumental delivery is absolutely necessary, the ceremony of baptism as ordinarily administered is of course impossible. But as this is deemed so important by the Catholic Church,[102] even to the sacrifice of the mother, any means of overcoming this obstacle, fatal to countless maternal lives, should be accounted, if found practicable, of the utmost importance. For this purpose, therefore, I do not hesitate to recommend intra-uterine baptism, the consecrated element being carried to the child, if too high to be reached by the hand, by a sponge and staff, or if necessary, by a syringe, as was long ago sanctioned by the theologists of the Sorbonne;[103] in the absence of a clergyman, if the case is urgent, the rite accounted so sacred being performed by the physician in attendance rather than to allow the death of the mother. I know that many of the profession, from fear of ridicule or dislike to sanction what they do not believe in, would shrink from such a duty. Is it not, however, due to humanity in every way to prevent this frequent murder? for such, by our apathy and neglect, the mother’s death in these cases becomes. Can we, as Christians, refuse any aid? I am not ashamed to acknowledge that for myself, though no Catholic, I have performed this intra-uterine baptism, where delivery without mutilation was impossible. I could neither conscientiously assert the child’s death, nor allow the mother to linger till it should occur, while the friends, in the absence of a priest, whose presence it was impossible to procure for many hours, would not permit the operation. Remonstrance was useless; had I refused I should have been morally responsible for the almost inevitable death of the woman; it was, therefore, simply my duty.
I shall now quote from an admirable letter I have lately received from the Catholic Bishop of Boston. The extracts are couched in so forcible language, and their spirit is so thoroughly Christian, that I need not apologize for their length, or that they recapitulate arguments I have already advanced.