SKETCH
OF
ACTION AT MAIWAND
27th JULY 1880.
Drawn from a Sketch by Lieut. M. Talbot,
R.E. when the field was subsequently
visited in September.

It was not until nearly noon that the action began. Lieutenant Maclaine with two horse artillery guns and a small cavalry escort galloped out on the extreme left, and got his guns into action at a range of 1,800 yards, firing shrapnel at the Afghan cavalry. General Burrows disapproved of his boldness, and ordered the guns to retire, an order which Lieutenant Maclaine was very loth to obey. However, the guns were withdrawn, and by the time they had resumed their place in the line the enemy’s strength had begun to be developed. Large numbers of irregulars, led by the usual ghazis, were seen swarming over the low hills, and they presently moved down upon the 66th, evidently meaning to turn the right flank. To check this, General Burrows ordered his right to be thrown back on the front extended, Ayub’s cavalry being on the move to the left as if to carry out a flanking movement in that direction.[[54]] Accordingly two companies of Jacob’s Rifles were sent to the extreme left, while the remaining companies of that regiment and detachment of the Bombay Sappers and Miners filled up the gap between the 66th on the right, and the guns in the centre. Two guns were placed in position to support the 66th on the right, the remaining ten between the Grenadiers and the main body of Jacob’s Rifles. Every rifle was thus in the line of attack, it not being possible to form any reserve worthy of the name for such a small force. The cavalry (3rd Scind Horse and 3rd Bombay Light Cavalry), under General Nuttall, formed up in rear of the left centre of the line, where they remained during the action. Our guns began shelling the enemy, whose artillery did not reply for quite half an hour, confirming the idea that Ayub’s guns were far in rear. By half-past twelve, however, this delusion was cleared away, for some five batteries opened upon the brigade, and their shells fell with fair accuracy. The effect of our own artillery fire could not be followed, as the haze continued. Under cover of their thirty or more guns the irregulars advanced to within 600 or 700 yards of the 66th; but the Martini fire from the latter swept them down wherever they appeared; and so cowed were they that, planting their standards, they sought cover in a dry ravine, firing upon our men without doing much damage. Our infantry were lying down under such cover as the ground afforded, and two of the smoothbore guns were sent to the left to shell the Afghan cavalry. Then came the fatal mistake in the action: instead of following the usual tactics which our generals have found so successful all through the war—taking the initiative and attacking with his infantry—General Burrows entered into an artillery duel, which lasted for two hours. The brigade had twelve guns (six of which were inferior smooth-bores, worked by volunteers from the horse artillery, and infantry men trained during the halt at Khusk-i-Nakhud) the Afghans had nearly three times that number, and their gunners were unusually expert. “They soon got our range,” says an officer present, “and shot and shell came crashing into us.” Shrapnel, round-shot, and afterwards grape, were freely used by the enemy; and while our infantry were fairly safe at first, the horses of the cavalry and the gun-teams suffered severely. The latter had to be renewed constantly; and it was evident that in a trial of strength with artillery the brigade was greatly over-matched. Little did our men know that the Herati regiments suffered so from their shell-fire that twice they retired, and were quite ready to have fled at the first direct attack. The enemy’s artillery fire was so well sustained that casualties soon began to be reported all along the line. Harris, of the staff, and Blackwood, commanding E-B Battery, were among the first hit; but Blackwood, after having his wound dressed (he was hit in the thigh), returned to his battery—a rare example of true bravery and endurance. The want of water told heavily upon all our men, and the slackness resulting therefrom was only too plain—men leaving the ranks to get water from the nullah in rear or from the water-carriers. Our three regiments were still out of range of any musketry fire, except stray shots from irregulars; but the artillery fire had a demoralizing effect upon the sepoys. Jacob’s Rifles are said to have had nearly 100 men who had never fired ball-cartridge, so that they could not be looked upon at all as trained soldiers whose fire could be relied upon.

At about two o’clock the smooth-bore guns were reported as running short of ammunition. Sixty rounds per gun had been made up since their capture, and with these they went into action. There were no reserves to fall back upon. Captain Slade had taken charge of these guns, but returned to his own battery when they ceased to fire. There was nothing for it but to order the four six-pounders and the two howitzers forming the battery to retire and this movement was at once carried out. No sooner did the enemy notice that half our guns were out of action than they advanced along their whole line. Their batteries were brought forward in the boldest manner, and some of their guns actually came into action, on the right, from behind a depression in the ground only 800 yards from our infantry. Two or three thousand cavalry manœuvred on the left flank of the brigade, trying to get well in rear; while on the right a large number of mounted men and irregulars on foot, who had made a wide detour, got into the villages, and were firing upon the baggage escort. The 66th had still the ghazi-led mob in front of them in check, steady volleys keeping the ground clear. At this time the casualties all round must have been considerably over 100, while many horses had been killed.

At about half-past two the two companies of Jacob’s Rifles on the extreme left began to waver. Their two officers had been killed, and their two native officers, who had kept them together for some time, had also fallen; there were none of the enemy’s infantry near them, but the artillery fire had demoralized them; and the last straw which broke the back of their courage was the retirement of the smooth-bores out of action. They thought such a move could only mean that all was over, and they broke their ranks and fell back in utter confusion, breaking into the ranks of the Grenadiers, who had up to that time been steady. Their bad example was quickly imitated, and the Grenadiers likewise gave way. The remaining companies of Jacob’s Rifles shared the panic, and with a quickness that carried consternation into the heart of every European officer, all the native infantry were surging upon the 66th. The Grenadiers fought bravely and tried to form square but could only get into a V shape with the apex towards the enemy: in the mêlée they were cut down literally “in hundreds.” The Sapper detachment under Lieutenant Henn, with the guns, stood bravely to their post, but so small a party could not hope to save the guns without immediate help. Lieutenant Henn was killed after behaving most gallantly. The enemy saw their advantage, and a rush of irregulars led by ghazis was made from the right front. The guns fired canister into the mass; but it was useless, and Slade limbered up and retired. Maclaine remained with two guns firing, until the ghazis were actually at the muzzles, and these two guns had to be left behind. The 66th were broken by the rush of sepoys upon them. The confusion was hopeless, many of the sepoys being so cowed that they allowed the Afghans to pull them backwards from among their comrades and cut them down. No attempt to use the bayonet was made by the recruits among Jacob’s Rifles, who scarcely seemed to know that they carried arms wherewith to defend themselves. A cavalry charge was ordered; but the men were out of hand, and though two squadrons rode out, they never really charged. One of their officers had his horse shot, and the sowars would not go on, but veered round and came back to add to the disorganization of the infantry.[[55]] The 66th and the Grenadiers rallied twice in walled enclosures and sold their lives dearly, but they were outnumbered, and could not help to check the Afghan advance. Colonel Galbraith was killed outside the first enclosure, and the 66th lost nine other officers killed. Major Blackwood, commanding E-B Battery, was also shot down, one of his subalterns (Lieutenant Osborne) having been killed in the rush. By three o’clock the brigade had been routed, and the enemy were in hot pursuit. Fortunately that pursuit lasted only two or three miles, the enemy returning to Maiwand to loot General Burrows’ camp.

The following extract from a letter from an officer who was engaged in the action may well close this sad record:—

“When I realized that we were defeated, and had to retreat some 50 miles to Candahar, my heart sank within me, and never shall I forget the agonies of that fearful night march without water, hundreds of poor wretches lying strewn about the road calling aloud for a drop of water. It was agonizing, but one was obliged to steel his heart, as nothing could be done, we all being in the same box. The order to march on Maiwand from Khusk-i-Nakhud was only given at 10 P.M., on the 26th July, and the march commenced at 6.30 A.M. (on the 27th). We had no idea that Ayub’s army was at Maiwand till we had marched half-way there, and then we only half believed it: however, after going a few miles further we sighted the enemy moving towards Maiwand. Our troops seemed to consider that they would have it all their own way, and advanced very boldly; but the demoralizing effect of thirty odd guns and the being outnumbered, obliged them to retreat, and the retreat became a rout. From prisoners lately taken we hear that we inflicted a fearful loss on the enemy, and that if we could only have brought a fresh regiment we could have won the day. Our heaviest losses were during the retreat, as all the villagers on the line of route turned against us. I was among the last to leave the field, and walked half the way, having given up my pony to a wounded soldier. I was not fired on by the villagers till within six miles of Candahar, when I, with two sepoys and the wounded soldier, had to ascend a hill, and take refuge behind a rock, where we remained a good while, till the country was cleared by the cavalry under General Brooke, who had come out from Candahar to meet us. I then continued my journey, and when arriving at the village near the cantonments some 10 European and 15 native soldiers had joined me. The native soldiers were utterly demoralized,[[56]] and I could not get them to obey me. Some 100 or 150 Afghans were congregated on a little hillock commanding the road to Candahar, and seeing the hesitation of my party they streamed down the hill, yelling, and I was obliged to fall back and take up a position on another hillock. Then the native soldiers came to me and expressed their opinion that we ought to run for it. However, I abused them, and made them lie down and point their guns towards the enemy, who at once retreated to their former position. I felt perfect confidence in the European portion of my party, and if I could have felt the same in the native I would not have minded an attack from 150 half-armed Afghans. When General Brooke returned with the rear-guard of the Girishk column, he shelled the hills where the Afghans were collected, and we marched peaceably into cantonments.”

CONCLUSION.

I have not gone into the details of the movements of the Cabul-Candahar force after the Battle of Candahar, as there was no further opposition, and the military programme carried out was only of local importance. The brigades were marched back to India as quickly as possible, with the exception of the 9th Lancers and 6-8 R.A., which were left at Candahar. The following letter, written in Candahar, will throw some light on the strategy of the action on September 1st:—