ENSLAVEMENT.
Thus was terminated for a time the struggle of the Quichés for independence—a struggle that ceased only with the destruction of their principal nobility and all the bravest warriors of the nation. To their obstinate valor the conqueror himself bears testimony,[XXIV-13] and recognizing the difficulties of his position, and how man of himself can do so little, he begs Cortés to order in the Mexican capital a procession of all the clergy, so that the virgin might help him. And further, would he "please take care to inform his Majesty how we are serving him with our persons and means, and at our own cost, in order that his Majesty may reward us?" Nor did the lieutenant fail to report that his majesty's interests had been carefully attended to, all captives taken in the war having been branded and reduced to slavery.[XXIV-14] The royal fifth of these captive Quichés had been delivered to the treasurer, Baltasar de Mendoza, who sold them at auction for the better security of the revenue.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE CAKCHIQUELS AND ZUTUGILS MADE SUBJECTS OF SPAIN.
April-May, 1524.
March to the Cakchiquel Capital—With a Brilliant Retinue King Sinacam Comes forth to Meet the Spaniards—Description of Patinamit—Occupation of the Cakchiquel Capital—Expedition against Tepepul, King of the Zutugils—The Cliff City of Atitlan—A Warm Battle—Entry into the Stronghold—Reconciliation and Return to Patinamit—Love Episode of Alvarado.
SINACAM GREETS THE SPANIARDS.
The lieutenant-general was now ready to advance, and on the 11th of April, 1524, he left Utatlan for Patinamit, the capital of the Cakchiquels.[XXV-1] The weak and yielding Sinacam,[XXV-2] king of the Cakchiquels, had already sent with his troops a present of gold to Alvarado, and renewed his assurances of allegiance. He now prepared to meet him with such stately pomp as would be sure to gratify his future master. By this means he hoped his tottering throne might be secured to him. Servility and profuse hospitality would surely win their hearts, he thought; and then, with the powerful strangers on his side, he might laugh at his enemies. As the Spanish army approached his capital he issued forth with native pageantry to meet it. He was borne aloft by his nobles on a litter, beneath a canopy which dazzled the eye with blazing ornaments of gold and changing hues of quetzal feathers, and round him were the members of the royal family in litters scarcely less conspicuous than his own, while a large body of warriors, with their plumed head-dresses and warlike apparel, marched in the rear and on either side. Alvarado's greeting was not of that unalloyed cordiality which Sinacam had hoped. The Spaniard was suspicious. He had but just escaped destruction, and the late danger had taught him discretion. What he had observed on the march had not tended to inspire confidence or promote peace of mind. All along the route despoiled corpses of slain Indians had met his sight, and the ground was discolored with human blood. Large bands of armed warriors were everywhere seen, and it was evident that the whole country was in arms. But fear was no part of Alvarado's character; therefore, when the king came near, he calmly dismounted, approached him with courteous mien, and with expressions of esteem placed in his hands a rare and curious piece of silver jewelry; then he asked with sombre brow, "Why dost thou seek to do me harm, when I come to do thee good?" Informed of the meaning of the words so seriously addressed to him, and conscious of his own faithful intentions, Sinacam, with calm yet somewhat severe dignity thanked him first for the present, replying, "Quiet thy heart, great captain, scion of the sun, and trust in my love." It was then explained to Alvarado that the warlike demonstrations he had discovered were directed against a rebellious vassal, who, with the aid of the kings of the Quichés and the Zutugils, had revolted and attempted to make himself a ruler.[XXV-3]
PATINAMIT.
Alvarado professed to be satisfied, and permitted himself to be escorted by the monarch to the capital.[XXV-4] Patinamit,[XXV-5] like Utatlan, was situated in a naturally impregnable position. It occupied an elevated plain, surrounded by ravines, the side of which nearest the city was perpendicular to a depth of five or six hundred feet. Across this chasm, at one point only, could entrance into the capital be gained, by means of a narrow causeway, which was closed by two gateways of stone,[XXV-6] one on each side of the city wall. This isolated plateau was about three miles long and two broad. The chronicler Fuentes describes the remains of this city with much minuteness, leaving vivid impressions of its former grandeur. On one edge of the natural platform, according to that writer, were the ruins of a magnificent building one hundred paces square, of extremely well hewn stone. In front of this edifice extended a plaza, on one side of which were the remains of a splendid palace, and in close proximity the foundations of many residences. The city was divided by a ditch running north and south, more than eight feet deep, and surmounted by concrete breastworks three feet high. This was the dividing line between the dwellings of the nobles and those of the commoners. The streets were straight and wide, and extended in the direction of the four cardinal points. To the west was a mound dominating the city, on the summit of which stood a round building five to six feet high, resembling the breastwork of a well. Around this the judges held courts; but before their sentences could be executed they had to be confirmed by the sacred oracular stone, which was preserved in a shrine in a deep gulch. It is described as of a black diaphanous material, more precious than the ordinary building material. In its gloomy transparency the demon made visible the judgments that were to be passed. If no manifestation occurred, the accused was released; otherwise the sentence was carried into effect on the same mound where the judges sat in deliberation. This oracle was consulted also in matters of war.[XXV-7]
ATITLAN.
King Sinacam's reception of the guests in this his capital and court fully equalled his promises. Sumptuously lodged, and bountifully supplied with all the luxuries the land could produce, Alvarado himself admits that they could not have met kinder treatment in their own land.[XXV-8] For eight days the Spaniards feasted,[XXV-9] and in return Sinacam succeeded in obtaining the aid of his powerful friends against his hostile neighbors. Frequent conversations were held relative to the subjugation of the Zutugils, and to insure this happy consummation Sinacam expatiated on the contemptuous pride of Tepepul, king of Atitlan,[XXV-10] and his further wickedness in not tendering allegiance to the Teules.[XXV-11] It seems that the Zutugil ruler had incurred the hatred of Sinacam by giving assistance to his rebellious vassal, Acpocaquil,[XXV-12] and making nocturnal incursions into the Cakchiquel territory by means of canoes. These outrages were prompted partly by his reliance on the impregnable position of his city, situated on the hanging cliffs above Lake Atitlan, seven leagues from Patinamit. Alvarado required little persuasion to engage in his favorite pastime of gold-hunting and blood-letting. He was well aware of the supercilious nature of Tepepul, and had already determined to visit him in person. While at Utatlan he had sent four messengers to the court of Atitlan, bearing the usual requirement; but the haughty monarch, instead of paying the respect due to so important a demand, put the messengers to death. This ruffled Alvarado, though it did not dishearten him. "I think," he writes to Cortés respecting this city, "that with the help of our Lord we shall soon bring it to the service of his Majesty."[XXV-13]