Juan García de Hermosillo was commissioned by the king in 1554 to inquire into the merits of the respective routes, and two years later made a voluminous but partial report,[XXII‑25] showing the practicability of changing the course of vessels going to Tierra Firme so as to proceed direct to the port of Trujillo, and recommending that ships from New Spain, Vera Cruz, Pánuco, and the Golfo Dulce should touch at the same port, and thus allow goods to be carried overland to Realejo or the bay of Fonseca, and thence shipped to Peru and elsewhere. A cédula was thereupon addressed, in October 1556, to the audiencias of Española and the Confines, the governor of Tierra Firme, and the officers of the India House at Seville, directing that the opinions of experts should be taken, and information obtained from all familiar with the coast and its harbors. Testimony concerning the facts and views advanced in Hermosillo's report was taken in 1558, and among those who pronounced in favor of the transfer as recommended were Oviedo the chronicler, Luis Gutierrez the cosmographer, and Juan de Barbosa, then governor of Tierra Firme. The cabildo of Santiago also bestirred themselves in behalf of the change, as one apt to improve communication with Peru, and, as they temptingly added, likely to increase largely the royal revenue.[XXII‑26]
Communications between the home government and its transatlantic subjects involved vexatious delays; such negotiations were always slow, and at this time there was some temporary disorganization of the council of the Indies to complicate matters. The subject would seem to have been ignored until quickened anew by an address of Felipe de Aniñon, who had lived many years in the Indies, "on the utility and advantages which would result from changing the route of transit between the seas from Nombre de Dios and Panamá to Puerto de Caballos and Fonseca."[XXII‑27] The memorial, without presenting any new arguments, recapitulates with considerable force those which had been previously advanced, urging that immunity would thus be secured from the raids of corsairs, and that even though Panamá and Nombre de Dios were abandoned, a dozen cities would spring up to take their place in a region whose mines were so rich and whose soil was so fertile. At Nombre de Dios even Indian women, elsewhere so prolific, became barren; fruits refused to grow, children could not be reared, and men lived not out the usual span of life. Their gold and silver were as nothing to the treasures that could be extracted from the mines of Honduras, for when these latter should be worked by imported negroes with the aid of quicksilver, his Majesty would have there a kingdom thrice as rich as Spain. The memorialist concludes by stating that even though eight hundred thousand pesos were expended in opening roads the outlay was justifiable, for it would be offset by the yield of an additional million to the annual revenue of the king. The question of establishing elsewhere the port of entry was finally decided by the report of Jean Baptiste Antonelli, the royal surveyor, which showed that while a removal was necessary a desirable site existed close by.
PORTOBELLO.
Five leagues to the west of Nombre de Dios was the village of Portobello, containing, in 1585, not more than ten houses but possessing a commodious harbor, with good anchorage, easy of access, and one where laborers could unload vessels without the necessity of wading up to the arm-pits, as was the case at Nombre de Dios. Timber and pasture were abundant, the soil was fertile, and fresh water could be had throughout the year. Moreover it could easily be fortified against attack from corsairs and privateersmen, who, under Drake and others, had already committed depredations on the Isthmus as will be hereafter related. "If it might please your Majesty," reports the surveyor, "it were good that the city of Nombre de Dios be brought and builded in this harbor." On the 20th of March 1597 the change was made under charge of the factor Francisco de Valverde y Mercado and a settlement was founded which soon became one of the most important cities in Central America.[XXII‑28]
In 1529 Panamá is described by Herrera as "a town of six hundred householders." In 1581 it was styled by Philip "muy noble y muy leal." Nevertheless its progress was greatly retarded by sickness, caused by the heat of the atmosphere, the humidity of the soil, and the spread of infectious diseases. Small-pox, quinsy, dysentery, intermittent fevers, and other ailments were prevalent among the community, and at times the city was almost depopulated.[XXII‑29]
In 1564 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines was removed, as we have seen, to Panamá[XXII‑30] under the presidency of Doctor Barros de Millan. Great though short-lived were the rejoicings throughout Tierra Firme at this victory. The people of Guatemala would not consent to become a mere dependency of the audiencia of Mexico; and as already stated a decree was issued in 1568 ordering that the audiencia should again be removed to Guatemala, the change being made two years later, though, as we shall find, an audiencia was before long once more established in Panamá.
EMBEZZLEMENT AND GAMBLING.
By a cédula dated February 26, 1571, Tierra Firme was made subject to the viceroy of Peru in all matters relating to government, war, and exchequer, but not in civil matters.[XXII‑31] Little direct information of the working of the new regime in the latter part of the sixteenth century can now be obtained. The cédulas issued in later years, however, show it to have been a source of chronic discontent to the royal council in all its departments. Among them was one dated January 7, 1588, forbidding the president and oidores residing at Panamá to visit any private citizen or resident for any purpose whatever, and another dated December 31, 1590, forbidding officials in the treasury department to assume the duties of alcaldes ordinarios at any time. Some of the latter were fined and suspended for illegal speculation with government funds, which became so common that in 1594 the defalcations in the treasury from this cause alone amounted to about one hundred and fifty thousand pesos.[XXII‑32] In 1579 the corregidor of Panamá, when at the point of death, confessed that he alone had embezzled the sum of six thousand two hundred and thirty-six pesos, which he had collected and unlawfully withheld from the treasury.[XXII‑33] The granting of passports was a means by which members of the audiencia contrived to cheat the king of his revenues, his Majesty declaring that in a single year two thousand persons passed through Tierra Firme without procuring the royal license at the prescribed cost.[XXII‑34] Gambling was also prevalent, dice being the favorite game, and many merchants, bringing their goods from Spain, were fleeced by professional gamesters.[XXII‑35]
While the condition of affairs at the Isthmus was thus in an unsatisfactory condition, the authorities were constantly in dread of invasion from foreign powers. Early in the year 1561 two caravels arrived with intelligence that a large fleet had sailed from England for America, and with orders that preparations be made for a stout defence. The treasure on board the ships lying in harbor was quickly removed and secreted on shore, and no vessels were allowed to leave port until the arrival of the convoy fleet from Spain under the adelantado Pedro Menendez. It is not recorded that on this occasion the English made any attempt to land on the shores of Tierra Firme, but four years later, the monarchs of England and Spain being then on friendly terms, one Captain Parker touched at the coast of Darien ostensibly for the purpose of trading with the natives. An armed flotilla was despatched against him, but the captain refused to depart, and when attacked not only repulsed his assailants, but captured one of the enemy's squadron.[XXII‑36]
FEAR OF PIRATES.