FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION.
The matter did not end at Portobello, however. Hore despatched his prisoners to Panamá on the 2d of May, and reported his achievement to Viceroy Sámano, who commanded that the prisoners, none excepted, should be shot.[XXIV-38] But for some reason Hore did not carry out the order. The prisoners were, nevertheless, subjected to cruel treatment, being kept in chain-gangs at work on the fortifications, roads, and streets, which, added to the ravages of the deadly climate, soon reduced their numbers. Several of the officers were shot afterward at Cana in Darien on the pretext of their having attempted to escape.[XXIV-39] When after seventeen months of suffering the release of the survivors was ordered on September 20, 1820, only 121 remained,[XXIV-40] who were at an early day taken to Chagres, whence they embarked for Jamaica.
Important events had meantime taken place in Spain, by which constitutional régime was restored. A change in the government of the Isthmus soon followed, the people for the first time being called upon to exercise the right of suffrage.[XXIV-41] The newly organized ayuntamiento[XXIV-42] was composed of men well disposed toward independence. The change of system curtailing Hore's powers so preyed upon his mind that he died.[XXIV-43] This was a serious loss to the Spanish cause, whose interests the deceased had ever been ready to uphold by fair or foul means.
COMING OF SÁMANO.
Brigadier Pedro Ruiz de Porras, who succeeded Hore in the military command, if not a partisan of independence, was a friend of constitutional government. The civil governor, or gefe político, Pedro Aguilar, showed so much indifference that little opposition was feared from him. The new cabildo demanded the installation of a diputacion provincial, the election of a deputy to the Spanish córtes, and other measures provided for in the national constitution.[XXIV-44] These demands were not, however, complied with. The independent party saw the necessity of close relations with their friends outside of Panamá, and developed them, without disregarding the precautions demanded by the presence of a strong hostile garrison in their midst. They were now greatly hindered by the sudden appearance in Panamá, of Viceroy Sámano, who came by way of Jamaica. His object was to establish his government on the Isthmus, which the cabildo and constitutionalists opposed on the ground of his having forfeited the viceregal office by a refusal to take the oath to support the constitution. He had been detained several days at Las Cruces, but the military party proved the stronger, and admitted him into the city. His coming caused general uneasiness,[XXIV-45] as he was known to be a man of bad temper. However, as he met with no further opposition, and as his health was precarious, he limited himself to levying a forced loan.[XXIV-46]
Free ideas had, however, gained too strong a hold to be easily suppressed by the mere opposition of the ruler, and when in 1821 a new city council was elected, the members[XXIV-47] were again liberal-minded men. They repeated the demand for the establishment of a diputacion provincial, and for the election of a deputy to the Spanish córtes; but the viceroy only returned evasive answers. Fortunately, the province was soon relieved of him, by his death, on the 3d of August, 1821.[XXIV-48] Then the press resumed a bold tone, and hopes were revived in political circles. Soon after came to succeed Sámano, the mariscal de campo Juan de la Cruz Mourgeon.[XXIV-49] He had been appointed as captain-general of New Granada only, with the promise of the office of viceroy when he should have reconquered two thirds of New Granada.[XXIV-50]
Mourgeon brought from Spain some troops, adding to their number at Puerto Cabello in Venezuela. His rule was based on principles entirely opposite to those of his predecessor, namely, on the constitution and the new organic laws of the monarchy. Members for the diputacion provincial and a deputy to the Spanish córtes were elected, and the former was installed amidst the usual demonstrations. This liberal policy permeated his whole administration; the press was protected, patriotic societies were formed, and to strengthen the ties between Spaniards and Americans a masonic lodge was founded, and offices of trust and honor were bestowed on men from both branches. Every effort was made by the new ruler to do away with the old rivalry. But it all came too late. The idea of independence had become deeply rooted, and could not be affected by the new policy, the duration of which was also uncertain. The natives of the Isthmus exhibited a remarkable circumspection, which deluded the captain-general and the Spaniards. Mourgeon felt confident of Panamá's loyalty, and still more so after José de Fábrega, a native of the Isthmus, was appointed temporary comandante of Tierra Firme;[XXIV-51] and began to think of securing his promised viceregal office by the reconquest of Quito or Ecuador. He accordingly set himself to make preparations for that undertaking; but the impoverished condition of Isthmian finances greatly hampered him. Nevertheless, though with the utmost difficulty,[XXIV-52] he fitted out a squadron, composed of the corvette Alejandro, and three schooners, on which he embarked two battalions of infantry, two dismounted squadrons of cavalry, and some artillerymen; and assuming personal command of the force, set sail on the 22d of October, 1821.[XXIV-53]
SUB-REVOLUTION.
This was the most propitious opportunity the friends of independence could hope for, and they lost no time in availing themselves of it. Secret meetings were held, at which they matured their plans. While thus engaged at Panamá, a revolutionary movement broke out in the villa de Los Santos, which, not being the result of any preconcerted plan, caused the greatest alarm at the capital. The outbreak had been, indeed, one which merely proclaimed independence, without pretending to establish any form of government.[XXIV-54] The governor, local authorities, and other prominent officials, after a hasty consultation, resolved upon gentle means to quell the disturbance, and commissioners were despatched at once to Los Santos to restore peace if possible.[XXIV-55] But the more impatient among the friends of independence hoped that their mission would fail, and that the spirit of sedition, known to exist throughout the Isthmus, would boldly assert itself as soon as the capital should give the signal. But this signal could not as yet be given. Both the cabildo and diputacion countenanced the revolution, and it was believed that Fábrega would not oppose a movement to free his own country; but resistance was certain from the troops of the garrison. Any sudden insurrection would, therefore, be untimely, and probably end in disaster.
New plans were devised, and it was finally resolved to undermine the military power by encouraging desertions,[XXIV-56] and at the same time to spread among the masses the scheme of independence. Four prominent citizens[XXIV-57] undertook the first task, to facilitate which a fund was raised, and were very successful. Desertions became frequent, and their number increased from day to day, till the government began to suspect the cause, but the independent agents were reticent. Measures were adopted which only partially succeeded in checking desertions. The garrison was soon so reduced that there were hardly men enough to guard the jail, hospital, and powder magazine. In the night of November 27, 1821, sixty soldiers disappeared, together with their muskets.[XXIV-58] The government now became convinced that a revolution was impending, and took measures to resist it. The few remaining troops were distributed in the most convenient places, and artillery was placed at street-crossings.