[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour of his execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at the scaffold.
[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands that though often requested to make Arce reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted themselves to hinder the action of the government forces.
[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 334, 382.
[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in Salvador of Guatemala's influence in the federal policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union might have been saved. The executive had no participation in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend. It was the senate, as the council of the government, that sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the judge of ministers and other functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The president of the republic had no independent place of abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states would look upon as common property, and would foster and advance.
[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party, and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with his portrait, by Montúfar, in Reseña Hist., i. 296.
[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador.
[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo's deposal was a necessity.
[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled from Nicaraguan territory should uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or any expression, verbal or written, favoring them, were made punishable by death. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 338.
[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under Morazan's orders, and that Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the conferences under various pretexts.
[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given the state time to reflect, when it might have gone back quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles, of course, gladly fanned the flame.