A conflict sprang up, also, between the federal government and the local authorities of Guatemala City, because the latter refused to take part in celebrating the anniversary of the installation of the first assembly on the 24th of June, and force was at last brought to bear upon them.[V-12]
ARCE, RAOUL, AND VALLE.
The ill-feeling against Arce became intensified when the state government soon after decreed a transfer of its seat to Guatemala, and for want of accommodations in public buildings, took possession of the property of private citizens without their consent. The owners claimed protection from the federal congress, and serious disturbances were averted only by a compromise. During this episode the moderados or serviles kept fanning the flame of discord between Arce and the liberals, extolling his measures. When the first congress closed its session, on the 25th of December, 1825,[V-13] the political features of the country had notably changed. But fortunately the danger to the republic from the action of the serviles was avoided, because, upon lots being cast on the 1st of October for the renewals of members of congress,[V-14] the retiring members happened to be chiefly of districts where the servile party had majorities before, and were now replaced by liberals, the preponderance of the latter being thus increased. The second constitutional congress assembled on the 1st of March, 1826. Among its members was Valle, who, bent on revenge, erelong made common cause with the liberals,[V-15] though he was not allowed to exercise a predominant influence in their counsels.
On the day congress opened, the president delivered his message detailing the condition of the country, but most of it had reference to the relations with foreign powers.[V-16] The impending rupture was finally hastened by the president's course toward Colonel Nicolás Raoul, a French officer who had recently arrived from Colombia, and had been made commander of the artillery and a member of the council of war.[V-17] Notwithstanding the considerations and favors conferred on him by Arce, no sooner had he received his appointment than he openly sided with the liberals and gave utterances against the government. Therefore, when Raoul was summoned by congress to aid in the organization of the federal troops, the president, to get rid of him, sent him to explore the northern coasts.[V-18] Arce then undertook to increase the federal army to 4,000 men, under the pretext that such a force was needed for the pacification of Nicaragua, and the defence of the country against a Spanish invasion, rumors of which were circulating. In order to facilitate the operation, he proposed that the members of congress should stir up public enthusiasm in their respective states; but instead of acceding to his recommendation, several persons known to be hostile to the government, among them Raoul, were selected by that body. All remonstrances to the contrary on the part of Arce[V-19] had no other effect than to imbitter the liberals against him. Charges were accordingly brought forth, such as his neglecting to lay before congress an account of expenditures during his administration, and his having squandered a considerable portion of the money raised by loan in London. The outcry against his conduct was growing louder from day to day.
This unsatisfactory state of affairs determined Arce to dissolve congress. Still he was loath to use violent means, and in fact, there was no need of it. One of the clauses of the constitution allowed the admission of substitutes for the deputies to congress in certain cases, and both parties had taken advantage of it without opposition. However, when the question of calling the president to account arose, the serviles protested against the presence of the liberal substitutes which gave to that party the majority.[V-20] On the 2d of June the deputies from Salvador, under instructions from their government, which was friendly to Arce, abandoned their seats, their example being followed by those from Costa Rica and most of the serviles, thus leaving the chamber without a quorum.[V-21] The session was reopened, however, ten days later, upon the liberals pledging themselves not to introduce any motion against the president or the serviles, and thenceforth the discussions were confined to matters of a general character till the 30th of June, when the session was closed; but the deputies of Salvador and Costa Rica had not resumed their seats.
STATE AND NATION.
It was now evident that a collision was unavoidable. The state government, controlled by the liberals, became fearful that the serviles, in their endeavor to support the president, might also attack the authorities of Guatemala, and under the pretext of an invasion threatening from Chiapas, secretly began to make military preparations. Salvador and Costa Rica, on the other hand, offered aid of troops to the federal government. Both parties precipitated the crisis: the liberals by their heedless attacks on the clergy,[V-22] and specially by ridiculing its members; the serviles by fanning, jointly with the clericals, ill feeling among the low, ignorant classes, whom it was easy to persuade that the liberal party aimed at the destruction of their religion. This had now become a matter of greater ease, owing to the irritation already existing, caused by the forced loans and recruiting for the army decreed by the state government. Strange though it may appear, the serviles had no suspicion that the federal authorities were aware of their intrigues. The clash came in May 1826, when Raoul, without having fulfilled his commission on the northern coast, tendered his resignation, accompanied with a number of invectives against the executive, which he subsequently repeated in a second letter.[V-23] He was arrested on the 17th of July, and subjected to the action of a court-martial for disrespect and insubordination. This raised a storm of fury in the local legislature, where Raoul's arrest was considered as an encroachment on the state's authority. An order of arrest was issued against Captain Espínola, the officer who had carried out the commands of the federal executive, and the jefe, or chief of the state, Juan Barrundia, was authorized to raise a sufficient force to seize Espínola's person,[V-24] and the pecuniary contingent of the state for federal expenses was withheld.[V-25]
The troops despatched to arrest Espínola numbered 300 men, and were commanded by Cayetano de la Cerda, who encountered his man near Acasaguastlan. To avoid bloodshed, a capitulation was agreed upon by both parties until they should obtain further orders from their respective governments.[V-26]
When news of this agreement reached Guatemala, a few days later, simultaneously rumors came to the ears of Arce that a coup-de-main was contemplated by Barrundia, with the evident intent of effecting his removal. To anticipate the blow,[V-27] on the 5th of September Arce secretly ordered the commander of the federal forces to arrest Barrundia at an early hour the following morning, and disarm the state troops, using force if necessary.[V-28] This was done, the officer meeting with no resistance.[V-29] The liberals had no suspicion of Arce's resolve till after its execution. The vice-jefe of the state, Cirilo Flores, then forthwith assumed the government, and being tendered the aid of federal troops to support his authority, proudly rejected it.[V-30]
ARREST OF BARRUNDIA.