Costa Rica was not, it seemed, to be free from actual or impending trouble. Guatemala refused to recognize Guardia's government, and the latter closed relations with her as long as Barrios should be her ruler.[XVIII-63] Early in the following January rumors came that the republic would soon be invaded by a party of men who had in Nicaragua organized a government, and purposed establishing it in Costa Rica by force of arms, if necessary. The invasion took place through Limon, under the leadership of Federico Mora, who called himself provisional president. In consequence of this the law of guaranties, and the elections for the constituent assembly, were suspended, and a decree issued for the punishment of the invaders when taken.[XVIII-64] The attempt to overthrow Guardia failed, Mora being defeated at El Zapote and Matina, and fleeing to Nicaragua. The campaign lasted only eight days.[XVIII-65] Quiet having been restored for a time, an amnesty was granted to political offenders.[XVIII-66]

Very little worth mentioning occurred in 1879, except that in October Costa Rica suspended relations with Salvador. Guardia on the 10th of July, 1880, restored the law of guaranties, and repeated those of January 21 and February 1, 1878, appointing August 1st for the election of deputies, and the 29th of the same month for the instalment of the constituent assembly. This body met on the appointed day,[XVIII-67] but had been in session only about three weeks, when from the liberal views introduced and discussed, and likely to be incorporated in the new constitution, it became apparent that Guardia would not be the popular choice for the next presidential term. The last day's proceedings were an indication of the doom of despotism.[XVIII-68] Guardia and his satellites, alarmed at their impending downfall, resolved that their safety lay in dissolving the assembly, suspending the law of guaranties, and imposing on the people anew the dictatorship. This was done at once on the pretext of suppressing an imaginary revolution. The military being all powerful, Guardia on the 28th of September revived the gran consejo nacional to meet at San José on the 16th of October. He continued his usual arbitrary practices of imprisoning and exiling such persons as made themselves obnoxious to him.[XVIII-69] In 1881 he revisited Europe, and in his absence Salvador Lara acted as president. A constituent assembly was convoked, which adopted a constitution containing very liberal clauses, on the 7th of December. This constitution Guardia suspended on his return to power, early in 1882, but restored with amendments by his decree of April 26th. Guardia's health had not been much benefited by his journey to Europe, and death overtook him at Alajuela in the evening of July 6, 1882. The highest honors were paid to his remains, such as were never seen in Central America before or after the independence. They were buried in San José.[XVIII-70]

Saturnino Lizano had charge of the executive office until the 20th of July, when he surrendered it to the designado General Próspero Fernandez, who being subsequently elected president was inducted into office on the 10th of August.[XVIII-71] The new administration soon restored diplomatic intercourse with Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras.[XVIII-72]

CHURCH AFFAIRS.

The relations of the government with the church became strained in 1883. Early that year a decree was issued forbidding the entry of members of the society of Jesus into the republic, though a few who had charge of a college at Cartago were allowed to remain. The clergy began an agitation, and had to be advised by the government, and the bishop as well, to moderate their zeal.[XVIII-73] But the trouble did not end. The old struggle between the civil and ecclesiastical powers was revived. Bishop Thiel, with the aid of the jesuits, attempted to interfere with and to place himself above the government, which, on its part, under the authority conferred by congress, resolved to uphold its supreme authority at all hazards. Hence a decree of July 18, 1884, expelling the bishop and the jesuits from the country.[XVIII-74] Other important measures affecting the clergy were also adopted at this time.[XVIII-75] The bishop was recalled in the following year.

The republic was at peace, when a measure of the legislative assembly of Guatemala came to create a great alarm. I refer to the decree of February 28, 1885, declaring the union of Central America in the form of a single republic, to carry out which scheme President Barrios assumed military command over Central America. The news of this was received by President Fernandez from Barrios himself in a telegram on the 7th of March.[XVIII-76] The national congress was then summoned to meet on Sunday the 8th, and the president called on the people to prepare for the defence of Costa Rican independence. The call was responded to with much enthusiasm. Congress clothed the executive with extraordinary powers.[XVIII-77] But fate had decreed that Fernandez should be saved the vexation of spirit and anxiety which the situation must have caused him. He died suddenly in Aténas between 3 and 4 o'clock in the morning of March 12th. Fernandez was greatly esteemed both as a private and public man. His funeral took place from the presidential mansion on the next day, with the honors due his position as the national chief magistrate.[XVIII-78]

PEACE AND WAR.

The first designado, General and Licentiate Bernardo Soto, immediately assumed the duties of president, as well as of commander of the forces,[XVIII-79] and at once called to form his cabinet José M. Castro, Mauro Fernandez, and Santiago de la Guardia.[XVIII-80] Preparations for war were continued, and other nations advised of Costa Rica's disapproval of Guatemala's action.[XVIII-81] Peace was proclaimed on the 19th of April, and the president on the 30th called congress to meet on the 8th of May, when he would surrender the extraordinary powers it had clothed him with.

General Fadrique Gutierrez attempted a revolution in August, which failed. He was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and cashiered.[XVIII-82]

CHAPTER XIX.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
1865-1885.