PRESIDENT SOTO.
Soto announced August 27th from Amapala[XXII-38] his assumption of the executive duties, declaring that his policy would be fair and friendly at home and toward the other Central American states, and that he was free from internal or foreign entanglements. He was soon after recognized by other governments as the legitimate chief magistrate of Honduras.[XXII-39] Under his administration the people were once more enabled to devote themselves to peaceful pursuits. On the 27th of May, 1877, in an extensive message to congress, he set forth the condition of public affairs, and what his government had done in every branch of the public service during the last nine months. He assured the representatives that no branch had been neglected; and expressed the hope that if peace and order were preserved, the country would erelong begin to reap the benefits of his measures.[XXII-40] He had been chosen by the people, on April 22d, constitutional president, and the extraordinary congress acknowledged him as such on the 29th of May. He was formally inaugurated on the following day.
Ex-president Medina, and the Salvadoran general Ezequiel Marin, together with two colonels and several other officers of less rank, and a number of civilians, for an attempted rebellion in the latter end of 1877, were subjected to the action of a court-martial at Santa Rosa, on the charge of high treason and other offences,[XXII-41] and sentenced to death. The cause being taken, for revision, to the supreme council of war, the sentence against Medina and Marin was confirmed, the court having found no extenuating circumstances; one lieutenant and one sergeant obtained a commutation to ten years' confinement in the fortress at Omoa. The other prisoners were set at liberty, but with a warning never again to engage in similar conspiracies, or the sentence of the court-martial against them would be enforced. Medina and Marin were shot at Santa Rosa at 8 o'clock in the morning of February 8, 1878.[XXII-42] The other two men were at once despatched to their prison at Omoa.
AN INFAMOUS RULER.
José María Medina has been styled a genuine liberal, and his friends gave him credit as a commander of resources, and an able administrator. His military record showed that he surrendered the fortress of Omoa to General Carrera, and followed him to Guatemala, where he was rewarded for that service with a lieutenant-colonelcy. He never won any action of importance. During the insurrection of Olancho in 1864, he never went beyond Yoro until informed that the affair was over. He issued the order of December 25, 1864, countersigned by his minister, Francisco Cruz, empowering all his officers to put prisoners to death,[XXII-43] and that in the face of several constitutional clauses abolishing the death penalty, and forbidding the trial of citizens by military courts. He was also guilty of incendiarism in burning many towns and haciendas, and of confiscation. He made himself and his satellites wealthy at the expense of his country and his victims. He reached the presidency by the favor of the oligarchs of Guatemala. As a ruler he was an unmitigated tyrant; as an administrator he left nothing to entitle him to a place among the benefactors of his nation—no schools, no material improvements of any kind. In lieu thereof he left the national name dishonored abroad, the national character degraded, financial ruin, corruption, immorality, poverty, bitter animosities, and almost every misfortune that could have befallen hapless Honduras.
Nothing worthy of particular mention occurred from this time on till November 2, 1880, when the national capital was removed to Tegucigalpa. In December of the same year Marco Aurelio Soto was reëlected president,[XXII-44] and the people continued enjoying the benefits of peace. The national assembly met at Tegucigalpa on the 19th of February, 1883. Doctor Soto was again installed as president by virtue of a reëlection, and in an able and lucid address congratulated the representatives of the people that since their last meeting in 1881 quiet had reigned, and the liberal constitution framed in 1877 had worked successfully. Relations with Costa Rica, interrupted in 1878, were renewed on the 15th of last October; and those with the rest of the Central American states, as well as with other powers, were on the most friendly footing. The long-pending boundary question with Salvador had been referred to the arbitration of President Zavala of Nicaragua. The government had, on the 15th of September, 1882, sanctioned the plan of Central American unification. Finances were in a satisfactory state, large payments having relieved the treasury of heavy burdens. The administration of justice had become improved, and public education advanced. Agriculture was progressing, trade on the increase with the facilities afforded it; and mining had engaged the attention of capitalists both at home and abroad.[XXII-45]
President Soto sent in his resignation to congress on March 10th, pleading ill health. It was not accepted, and instead a leave of absence was granted him with a liberal pecuniary allowance for expenses.[XXII-46] Congress thought proper, however, to utilize his intended visit to Europe to place on a better footing the financial affairs of the republic.[XXII-47] Before taking his departure, Soto placed, on the 9th of May, the executive office in charge of the council of ministers, namely, Enrique Gutierrez, Luis Bogran, and Rafael Alvarado. This was in accordance with the constitution. In bidding good by to his fellow-citizens, Soto congratulated them upon the reign of peace at home,[XXII-48] and the cordiality existing with other nations. He promised to come back as soon as possible to complete his term, and to surrender the trust to his successor.[XXII-49]
SOTO AND BARRIOS.
A serious quarrel occurred soon after, while Soto was in San Francisco, California, between him and Barrios. He received, as he considered it, from a reliable source, information that Barrios, being displeased with his government, had resolved to promote a revolution in Honduras as an excuse for war and for overthrowing that government. He wrote Barrios on July 6, 1883, that his government having been ever loyal and friendly to and fulfilled its treaty obligations with Guatemala, he must attribute to personal motives Barrios' intended course. He was not, he said, disposed to give the latter an opportunity to sow distraction in his own country, and to let loose again the dogs of war in all Central America. To avert those calamities he was ready to bring about a legal transfer of his office, and would lay his final resignation before congress. But he wished Barrios to know that he did so actuated by patriotic motives, and not by fear, for he had sufficient power in Honduras to sustain himself, and to defend her against unjust aggression. Barrios returned a scathful answer on August 3d. After denying Soto's accusations, he attributes his resignation to a preconceived resolve to desert by actual flight his post, and lead abroad a life of ease and luxury upon his ill-gotten wealth; and now was using his, Barrios', name as a pretext to justify his conduct. He asserts that Soto left Honduras with the intention of not returning, and indeed, with a full knowledge that the Hondurans would never permit his return.[XXII-50] The writer in the plainest language accuses him of having enriched himself at the expense of a country which he had ruined, and of private parties alike. As to Soto's brave words, they are taken, he says, at their true worth in Guatemala, where he is well known. It would be easier and less costly to hurl him from power, than it was to raise him to and keep him at the head of the government.
Barrios concluded that he would take no further notice of Soto's remarks, as there was a broad sea between them. His charges about Soto's incompetency, disloyalty, and general dishonesty are certainly exaggerated. Soto sent his resignation from San Francisco, and congress unanimously accepted it on the 3d of September.[XXII-51]