History of Central America, Volume 3, 1801-1887 / The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 8

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

UNDER THE VICEROYS.

The Isthmus was enjoying in 1801 its usual tranquillity under the rule of the Spanish viceroy at Santa Fé de Bogotá, Pedro de Mendinueta y Muzquiz, as well as under the more immediate one of Brigadier Antonio Narvaez y la Torre, the governor and comandante general. He was in 1803 promoted to mariscal de campo, and relieved on the 15th of March the same year, by Colonel Juan de Márcos Urbina, who at his death in 1805 was succeeded[XXIV-1] by Brigadier Juan A. de la Mata. The latter is represented to have been a man of estimable character, and as he was both respected and liked, he found during his term but little difficulty to rule the three provinces of Portobello, Veragua, and Darien, and the partidos of Natá and Alange, into which this region had been divided.[XXIV-2] Pursuant to the customary policy of Spain, an asesor, or legal adviser, was appointed to consult with him, while the military functions of the governor, in case of his being prevented, were assumed by another substitute, also nominated beforehand, with the title of teniente de rey.

The judicial organization was equal to those of other Spanish colonies; matters of little importance were decided by the ordinary alcaldes or the city councils, and only appeals were brought before the courts of Bogotá.[XXIV-3] There was also an extensive financial department, comprising the custom-houses of Portobello, Chagres, and Panamá, a general treasury with its dependent offices and the different administrations of customs and monopolies belonging to the crown. But their product was not sufficient to cover the expenses of the provinces, with their numerous officials and a permanent military force,[XXIV-4] required as garrisons for Portobello, Chagres, and Panamá, all of which places were then fortified, and temporarily financial subventions from Peru became necessary. The reason was the decline of commerce which involved a corresponding neglect of husbandry, and other branches, agriculture producing only what was required for home consumption. Stock-raising, for which the soil of Veragua was so well adapted, decreased; and mining in Portobello and Darien was scarcely worthy of mention. Such a depressing state of affairs could but have a degenerating influence on the inhabitants, which, if not fostered by the government, at least was allowed to go on without an effort to check it. Education was at a low ebb everywhere; in the capital there was one primary school and a Latin class. Nearly all books not of a certain religious character[XXIV-5] were forbidden, intercourse with foreigners was hindered, and the diffusion of liberal ideas was effectually repressed. The facility of obtaining the few means of subsistence required in such a climate contributed to produce that state of indolence which characterized the inhabitants at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Most of their time was spent in bull-fights, gambling, and religious performances, there being more than one hundred holidays in the year. The regular clergy, as in other parts of Spanish America, had always been powerful in Panamá, and possessed, notwithstanding the decadence of the country, a number of establishments independent from those belonging to the bishopric.[XXIV-6]

HAPPY DAYS.

Thus all was lethargy in Panamá while the new viceroy of New Granada, Antonio Amar y Borbon, quietly assumed the government at Bogotá. Few of the inhabitants of the Isthmus had a clear understanding of the political convulsions that had taken place in France and in the United States. The masses were totally indifferent to and suffered little from the policy of the government, which carefully suppressed all information about the countries where anti-monarchical principles prevailed. The course pursued by the crown in this respect was as fruitless as was another effort made at the time to revive trade by reëstablishing on January 20, 1803, the casa de contratacion de Indias. The hope of Panamá again becoming the great entrepôt for all ports on the Pacific was not realized. Not a single vessel came from Spain during the year; and open trade with foreign countries being unlawful, smuggling was resorted to by the merchants of Panamá and Jamaica, their rendezvous being generally in the neighborhood of Chagres, where English vessels transferred their cargoes to small boats, which took the goods on shore.[XXIV-7] This trade was continued, even in 1804, after Spain had declared war against England, an event which otherwise caused much excitement on the Isthmus. But the people, instead of preparing for defence, contented themselves with invoking the Lord of hosts for favor to the Spanish arms, and for relief of their own distress, or in other words, their laziness.[XXIV-8]

The government and priesthood, acting in accord, thus kept most of the population under control; and it was only in 1808 that liberal ideas began to have expression in the province, and this was due altogether to foreign influence. The government of the mother country, having declared the American possessions to be no longer colonies, but integral parts of the monarchy, their people having the same rights as the people of Spain[XXIV-9]—although the declaration of the córtes to this effect was not generally known or appreciated, to the intelligent, its significance was fully understood. The movements for independence made in other provinces could no longer be concealed from the people, and the idea rapidly gained ground that Spanish domination of America was approaching its end. This greatly exacerbated the ill feeling always existing, though only to a limited extent on the Isthmus, between the Spaniards and the native Panameños.[XXIV-10]

In connection with it, a system of espionage was established by the rulers, the discussion of politics was discountenanced, and the holding of meetings forbidden. But this policy was without effect; the liberty to trade with Jamaica, granted in 1809 with a view to appease the discontent of the Isthmians, invigorated not only their commercial but also their political life.[XXIV-11] Newspapers from Jamaica were occasionally received, and the contract with an enlightened people gave rise to new ideas.

REVOLUTIONARY WAR.

In New Granada the first resistance occurred at Cartagena, where the governor, Francisco Montes, opposed the establishment of a diputacion provincial, and assumed an attitude hostile to the liberal cabildo. He made his report to the viceroy, but before any redress could be made he was arrested on June 14, 1810, and sent away to Habana.[XXIV-12] Hardly one month later a similar movement broke out at Bogotá, where several previous plans to overthrow the viceregal authority had failed;[XXIV-13] but the agitation being continued, on the 20th of July a trifling incident[XXIV-14] sufficed to cause an outbreak. Three days later the viceroy was imprisoned and the government placed in charge of a junta.[XXIV-15] The revolutionary movement in Bogotá as in Cartagena did not at the time purpose to break wholly with Spain; its real object was to obtain an autonomic government without ignoring the supremacy of that of the mother country.[XXIV-16] It was with such intent that both juntas extended invitations to all the provinces of New Granada to meet in congress and discuss the form of government to be adopted. The governor of Panamá declined to take part, and endeavored to persuade the people of the Isthmus that there was no need for such a revolution.[XXIV-17] That the absence of the Panameños from the congress, which met early in 1811, had not been of their own choice, was not a secret to that body; and when the fundamental act of the federation was passed, it contained a clause binding all those represented in the congress to labor for the freedom of the other provinces which were still under Spanish control.[XXIV-18]

It seemed, however, as if Panamá was more distant than ever from gaining her independence. Early in 1812 a new viceroy, Benito Perez, arrived, and being unable to get to Bogotá, established his residence on the Isthmus,[XXIV-19] where the audiencia and other offices were also established. Thus Panamá became temporarily the capital of New Granada, an honor little cherished at that time by the friends of independence. Perceiving the unsafe condition of the government, the new viceroy took steps to increase his military force. Upon his request, three men-of-war were sent from Cuba and a battalion of soldiers from Spain, part of which reënforcements were despatched to Santa Marta, then at war with Cartagena. The latter place was blockaded, and being hard pressed for supplies, the insurgents despatched two commissioners with the avowed object of treating with the viceroy for an armistice. The project was favored by the vice-admiral of the English squadron at Jamaica, Charles Sterling, who guaranteed the commissioners a safe return. They arrived at Panamá in October 1812, and at once began pretended negotiations, their real purpose being to gain time for the besieged town, obtain if possible a suspension of hostilities, and ascertain the feeling of the population. But some correspondence intercepted by the governor of Santa Marta,[XXIV-20] and forwarded to Viceroy Perez, apprised the latter, who at once had the commissioners arrested and brought to trial. They would have been severely dealt with but for the timely interference of Sterling, who energetically demanded their release, which the viceroy at last acceded to, returning them to Cartagena. They had meantime become satisfied that the intelligent part of the population strongly favored the emancipation, and that the new governor, Cárlos Meyner,[XXIV-21] could not prevent any effort for independence. The only opposition to be feared would be from the viceroy and the chief officers of the garrison, most of whom were loyal and energetic. But fortune seemed to smile on the revolutionary party; several vessels with troops and military supplies despatched by Perez to the relief of Santa Marta, then besieged by the insurgents, fell into the hands of the latter, and the viceroy himself was removed from his position by the government in Spain.[XXIV-22] His successor was the mariscal de campo, Francisco Montalvo, who with some reënforcements furnished by the government of Cuba proceeded from Habana directly to Santa Marta, where he arrived in May 1813, and forthwith began to push the military operations against the revolutionists of Cartagena.