[242] ‘Todos los Capitanes, y soldados juntamente escriuimos otra carta.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36. ‘El cabildo ... escriuio ... dos letras. Vna ... no firmaron sino alcaldes y regidores. La otra fue acordada y firmada del cabildo y de todos los mas principales.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 63.
[243] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 37, gives a long detail of its contents, particularly of the conclusion, wherein the bishop of Búrgos is pointed out as favoring his friends and relations in the distribution of Indian governments. Velazquez enjoyed his special favor in return for the large presents in gold and towns he had made, to the prejudice of the crown. Cortés, on reading the letter, was highly pleased with the eulogy bestowed upon himself, and promised to remember it when rewards came to be distributed, but he objected to the prominence given to the discoveries of Córdoba and Grijalva, ‘sino á èl solo se atribuia el descubrimiento, y la honra, ê honor de todo,’ and wished to suppress the statement that one fifth of the profits were to be given to him. The men declined to hide anything from the king, and so Cortés no doubt made the messengers hide the letter. Tapia gives a brief synopsis of it, mentioning the objections raised against the bishop of Búrgos, and the resolution not to obey any orders contrary to their report till the king had replied to it—‘é para que otra cosa en contrario de lo que le escrebiamos no se hiciese, que S. M. sin saber de qué hacia mercedes, no las hiciese, estábamos prestos de morir é tener la tierra en su real nombre fasta ver respuesta de esta carta.’ Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 566.‘Esta carta no vido el Emperador, porque, si la viera, no les sucederia ni á Cortés ni á sus consortes el negocio tan favorable como abajo se parecerá.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 498.
[244] ‘En una nao que ... despaché á 16 de julio del año de 1519, envié a V. A. muy larga y particular relacion.’ Cortés, Cartas, 51; Oviedo, iii. 261. ‘En veinte y seis dias del mes de Julio ... partieron de San Juan de Ulua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 37. On the next page he says July 6th. The naming of Ulua as the port of departure shows also a carelessness of facts; yet Gomara says:‘Partieron ... de Aquiahuiztlã ... a veinte y seis.’ Hist. Mex., 6. Still Cortés’ letter, written so soon after, ought to be correct. Prescott accepts the 26th.
[245] ‘Esta fuga fue ocasion de descubrir el derrotero de la Canal de Bahama, para la buelta de España, hasta entonces no nauegada, y desde aquella ocasion siempre seguida.’ Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 41. ‘Alaminos ... fue el primero que nauegò por aquella canal.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36-39. Prejudiced against Montejo, as shown by previous expressions, this author accuses him of sending letters to Velazquez by a sailor, who spread the news of the mission along his route. Some of the letters were from adherents in Cortés’ army. ‘Pareciò, de otras personas principales que estauan en nuestro Real, fueron aconsejados que fuessen á aquella estancia ... y aun escriuieron para que el Diego Velazquez tuuiesse tiempo de auellos á las manos.’ Velazquez accordingly sends two small vessels under Gabriel de Rojas and Guzman to pursue the ship, but their cruise between Habana and the Bahamas Channel is in vain. Montejo’s conduct before and after this indicates nothing that can justify the accusations, and Velazquez, in his letter to Figueroa, juez de residencia in Española, inveighs against one ‘Montejo’ and his companion for taking not only provisions and forty butts of water, but a number of Indians from Mariel, and then leaving ‘without informing any magistrate or other person,’ taking a dangerous and hitherto unknown route. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 401. During the investigation held on the subject by the governor, it appeared that Juan de Rojas of Habana reported the secret visit of Montejo, who, knowing that Rojas had become aware of his presence, wrote him at the moment of leaving that he was going to visit Velazquez. From Perez, a servant of Rojas and in charge at Mariel, it seems, he exacted an oath not to reveal what he had learned of the rich cargo and destination of the vessel. Rojas nevertheless obtained the facts from him. Testimonio, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 151-204. In a letter to the bishop of Búrgos, October 12, 1519, Velazquez states that a man at Mariel, Perez probably, was at the last moment shown the treasures. Guzman was sent with a vessel in pursuit. In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 248-50. Gomara also says, ‘embiando tras ella vna carauela de armada.’ Hist. Mex., 64; Torquemada, i. 407.
[246] ‘Doña Mayor de Fonseca. El obispo de Búrgos ... por la muerte del Gran Chanciller ... tornó á alear y á ser principal.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.; Zúñiga, Anales Ecles. Sevilla, 414.
[247] The bishop of Búrgos, then at Valladolid, spoke so harshly to Puertocarrero that the latter ventured to remonstrate, and demand that their messages be forwarded to the king. A charge was now raked up against Puertocarrero of having three years before carried off a woman from Medellin to the Indies, and for this he was cast into prison. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 38; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 119.
[248] Guzman appears to have started in October from Cuba, when Narvaez’ expedition against Cortés had already begun to be fitted out. Carta de Velazquez, Oct. 12, 1519, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 472-5; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 246-51; Carta al Figueroa, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 402; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 2. His appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, says Bernal Diaz, met only with rebuff. They considered that Cortés had done well to send so rich a present to the king. ‘Le embiaron al Diego Velazquez â Cuba â vn Licenciado que se dezia Zuazo para que le tomasse residencia ... Uelazquez, se congoxó mucho mas, y como de antes era muy gordo, se paró flaco en aquellos dias.’ Hist. Verdad., 38. Martin petitioned the bishop for the repair and return of the messengers’ vessel to Velazquez, together with another vessel, both to carry reinforcements to the Indies. This was needed, partly to prevent the possible conflict between Cortés’ party and the expedition fitting out under Velazquez to support the men he had already sent under Cortés as his lieutenant. Memorial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 407-9.
[249] Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 203. ‘Viniéronse con la corte hasta llegar á la Coruña, y en este camino los cognoscí yo.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 499; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vii.
[250] In the Manual de la Casa de Contratacion de la Indias is noted that the Cempoala natives were presented to the king, at Tordesillas, in February, or March, 1520, and the presents at Valladolid in April. The Indians were sent to Cuba at the close of March, 1521, except one who had died. Cortés, Cartas, 34; Alaman, Disert., i. 91-104.
[251] According to Bernal Diaz the bishop of Búrgos retained not only the original letters of the king, but a portion of the presents, which produced a sharp letter from Charles. The duplicate letters reached him, however. Hist. Verdad., 38-9. This author is not well informed about the movements of the procuradores. He lets the king reach Flanders before they arrive, and there receive only the reports.