[967] Bernal Diaz refers to the last accession from Garay’s expeditions as 40 soldiers and 10 horses, under an old man named Ramirez. Protected by heavy cotton armor they were nicknamed the ‘albardillas.’ Hist. Verdad., 115.
[968] ‘Si todos ó algunos dellos se quisiesen volver en los navíos que allí estaban, que les diese licencia.’ Cortés, Cartas, 163.
[969] Oviedo, iii. 335; and so Herrera also intimates in reference to Camargo’s only remaining vessel, ‘la qual se anegò tãbien dẽtro de 10. dias en el puerto.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii.
[970] The last two vessels bring 150 men and 16 horses, probably over 20, to which must be added Camargo’s force, amounting no doubt to 50 effective men, for Bernal Diaz admits 60 soldiers, not counting sailors; and Herrera intimates that over 100 men must have reached Villa Rica of the total force on board Camargo’s three vessels. Bernal Diaz’ estimates for the five vessels which he enumerates exceed 170 soldiers and 20 horses; on fol. 115 he contradicts several points, including the total, to which the sailors may be added, while a small reduction is to be made for deaths among Camargo’s men. Vetancurt follows Bernal Diaz, and so does Prescott, who assumes that full 150 men and 20 horses must have been obtained. Mex., ii. 438. Robertson raises this nearer to the truth by saying 180 men, Hist. Am., ii. 104, as does Brasseur de Bourbourg, who nevertheless, on an earlier page, adds Sahagun’s fanciful reinforcement of 300 men. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 371, 387. While the Spaniards were curing themselves, ‘llegó á Tlaxcala un Francisco Hernandez, español, con 300 soldados castellanos y con muchos caballos y armas.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 37. The later edition does not give the number. Gomara merely states that numerous small parties came over from the Antilles, attracted by Cortés’ fame, through Aillon’s reports, he seems to say. Many of them were murdered on the way, but sufficient numbers reached him to restore the army and encourage the prosecution of the conquest. Hist. Mex., 173.
[971] Said to have been named Francisco Eguia. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 39, 66, and Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 278. Herrera writes that many assumed the malady to have been one of the periodical scourges that used to fall on the country. ‘Y el no auer tocado a los Castellanos, parece que trae aparencia de razon.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. But it appears to have been wholly a new disease to the natives.
[972] ‘En el mes que llamaban Tepeilhuitl que es al fin de setiembre,’ as Sahagun assumes. Hist. Conq., i. 39.
[973] Motolinia, Hist. Ind., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 14-15; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 39, 66; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 514; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101; Id. (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460 (a chapter omitted in the original); Gomara, Hist. Mex., 148; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 279; Torquemada, i. 489; Tezcoco en los ultimos tiempos, 273.
[974] ‘Vivió despues de su elecçion solos sessenta dias.’ Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 549. The election having taken place twenty days after Montezuma’s death, according to Ixtlilxochitl, who assumes that he ruled only 40 or 47 days. Hist. Chich., 304; Id., Relaciones, 413. Others extend the rule to 80 days, both as leader and king, perhaps, which would agree with Cano’s version.
[975] Such characteristics may be seen in Spanish as well as native records; yet Solis writes, ‘su tibieza y falta de aplicacion dexáse poco menos que borrada entre los suyos la memoria de su nombre.’ Hist. Mex., 372. Sufficient proof of his energy is found in the siege resulting in the expulsion from Mexico.
[976] The native authorities incline to Quauhtemoc, but the Spanish generally add the ‘tzin,’ the ‘c’ being elided, and the ‘Q’ changed to ‘G,’ making the name Guatemotzin. ‘Quauhtemoc, que significa Aguila que baja.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 51.