[990] This author indicates the despatch of only three vessels for Spain, Española, and Jamaica, respectively, one of which, or a fourth, conveyed the returning adherents of Narvaez. Id., 117. But Cortés writes: ‘Envio á la isla Española cuatro navíos para que luego vuelvan cargados de caballos y gente.’ Cartas, 154, 162. The Jamaica vessel is probably included in this number.

[991] Bernal Diaz names twelve of those who returned, two going merely to bring their children. Pilot Cárdenas, whose clamor at the treasure repartition at Mexico had called the attention of Cortés, was allowed to return to his family, with a present of 300 pesos from the general, only to join the ranks of his enemies. With one of the Cubans Cortés sent some bullion and jewels to his wife and brother-in-law. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148.

[992] Cáceres also joined the commissioners. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117. Clavigero names Ordaz as the sole commissioner, and he was probably the principal. Storia Mess., iii. 160.

[993] ‘Para el camino de la costa de la mar no hay mas de dos puertos muy agros y ásperos, que confinan con esta dicha provincia.’ Cortés, Cartas, 145. ‘Que señoreaua los puertos, el vno que se dize de Siculchima, por donde los Castellanos entraron en aquellas partes, y el otro de Quochula, legua y media de Tepeaca, por donde van los caminos Reales de la villa Rica.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi.

[994] ‘Le auian pedido presidio.’ Id. Cortés gives merely the strategic motives.

[995] Francisco de Solis, Cristóbal Corral, and Cristóbal Martin are mentioned as regidores in Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 418-19. Herrera adds to their ranks Gerónimo de Aguilar, the interpreter, ‘porque sabia Cortes honrar ... los benemeritos.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. The villa was removed after the conquest to a new site in the plain, not far from the old town. In 1545 it received the dignity of a city, and has ever since ranked as a district seat, supported to some extent by woollen factories. Of the strong fortress erected by the conquerors the remains are still to be seen in the plaza under the name of el Rollo de Tepeaca. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 8; and in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 145-6. In Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xxi. is given a description of the city and district. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 153; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, i. 248; Alcedo, in Dic. Univ., v.

[996] ‘Tambien me movió á facer los dichos esclavos por poner algun espanto á los de Culúa, y porque tambien hay tanta gente, que si no ficiese grande y cruel castigo en ellos, nunca se emendarian.’ Cortés, Cartas, 144; Oviedo, iii. 334. ‘Otros dizen que sin partido los tomo a todos, y castigo asi aquellos en venganza, y por no auer obedecido sus requerimiẽtos, por putos, por ydolatras,’ etc. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.

[997] Hist. Verdad., 116. This was probably the case, and Tapia’s testimony appears to confirm it in saying that of the 6000 captives taken from the Tecamachalco region the males, 2000 in number, were slaughtered in cold blood. Cortés, Residencia, i. 59. Perhaps it would be more correct to assume that a few were killed to expiate the murder of Spaniards, while the rest were given to the Tlascaltecs.

[998] ‘Saluo a las mugeres y niños,’ says Herrera, which leads Brasseur de Bourbourg to assume that women and children were not enslaved. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 370. ‘Creyerõ, q̄ a cada soldado bolveriã sus pieças, y q̄ apreciarian que tantos pesos valian, y que como las apreciassen, pagassen el quinto a su Magestad.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-17. This could hardly have been the case.

[999] ‘Mandò Cortes vender a muchos que auia prendido ... aplicando vna parte a su exercito, y a otra la republica de Tlascala, sacando primero el quinto que pertenecia al Rey.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. ‘Y despues otro quinto para Cortez,’ adds Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148, and this appears correct; yet Clavigero and many others do not refer to the second fifth. This deduction was declared to be an attempt at installing a second king. The deceit practised, as they claimed, at the distribution of treasure at Mexico was again called up, and declared to be less outrageous than the present effort to defraud poor and wounded soldiers of the prize for which they had shed their blood. Juan Bono de Quexo declared that he would complain to the emperor, and others were no less bitter. Previous to this a cause for dissatisfaction had been given by a proclamation of Cortés ordering the surrender of all gold saved from the common treasure at Mexico, thrown open to the soldiers on the eve of the flight. One third was to be retained by the possessor. Many refused to comply, and since the royal officials and leaders had shared in the treasure, the proclamation was allowed to lapse. What had been surrendered Cortés kept as a loan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-117.