[1010] The old soldier calls him Lorenzo de Vargas, but is probably mistaken. Hist. Verdad., 118.
[1011] Camargo gives at length the speeches of Cortés and the chiefs on the occasion. The latter invites him to accept their friendship and services, and settle among them, whereupon the general explains that the main object of his coming is to overthrow false idols, and that the condition of his staying with them must be the adoption of the true faith, wherein lies the sole reason for the superiority of his race over theirs. The holy ghost assists to impress his words, and they yield; but they implore him not to cast down the revered idols, for such an act may be fraught with the most terrible disasters. Cortés insists, and promises to assume all risks. Thus pressed, they ask to confer with the representatives of the people, lest a revolt occur. The council objects, offers to give the most prominent place to the new gods, and finally yields, amidst tears and wailing. The people secretly hide the adored images, and while accepting baptism still retain the old worship in secret. The four chiefs first receive the rite, under the sponsorship of the leading Spanish captains, Maxixcatzin the elder being named Lorenzo; Xicotencatl, Vicente; Tlehuexolotl, Gonzalo; and Citlalpopoca, Bartolomé. The general baptism followed, those baptized on the first day being named Juan, and María, and Ana, for men and women respectively, each receiving a ticket whereon the name was written. Many forgot their names, nevertheless, and had to appeal to the register; some received baptism over again, because they failed to acknowledge the previous rite, and others attended service for years without having been to the font. Among the idols and relics saved from the general destruction were the ashes of Camaxtli, the chief god of the tribe, said by some to have been the brother of Tezcatlipoca, by others the father of Quetzalcoatl. They were jealously guarded by the chief Tecpanecatl Tecuhtli, of Tepeticpac, till 1576, when, tired of the temporal injuries which were falling upon him, owing to their presence in his house, he turned to the Church and surrendered the relic, and died the same week, on holy Thursday, while penitently lashing himself before the madonna. On opening the envelope of the relic a mass of blonde hair fell out, showing that tradition was true in describing the god as a white man. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 151-9, 178-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg eagerly seizes on this statement to support his theory that the Toltecs had come from the north of Europe to found their empire and era of culture in Mexico. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 392 et seq. Camargo places the general baptism on the occasion of Cortés’ first arrival in the republic, but herein Torquemada corrects him, although following the version in other respects. The picture in the convent at Tlascala indicates, he says, that the four chiefs, including the elder Maxixcatzin, were baptized together, and by the clergyman Juan Diaz. Great festivals followed the ceremony, i. 523, iii. 166-9. Ixtlilxochitl, who also refers to this picture, follows Camargo’s date, but names Xicotencatl senior Bartolomé, Zitlapopocatzin Baltasar, Tlehuexolotzin Gonzalo, and Maxixcatzin, a young man, Juan. Hist. Chich., 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg corrects this by substituting Xicotencatl junior for Maxixcatzin and naming him Vicente. He adds Nezahualpilli’s son Tecocoltzin, who receives the name of Fernando, ubi sup. The assumption that the four elder chiefs were baptized together, and the statement that the elder Maxixcatzin had died before Cortés returned to Tlascala, appear contradictory, but Vetancurt reconciles them by dating the general baptism just before the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, and adopting the names as given on the picture in ‘our convent,’ and as quoted by Camargo and Torquemada. Padre Juan Diaz, who performed the rite, is supposed to have been killed soon after. Several other versions of his fate and burial-place are given. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 146. But he testified during the residencia investigation against Alvarado, 1529. See Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 124. Clavigero follows Vetancurt, and maintains, notwithstanding the failure of the conquest writers to notice that event, that ‘è certo, che tutti i quattro Capi di quella Repubblica furono battezzati avanti la conquista.... Oltre ad’ altre pruove ciò consta dalle pitture antiche.’ Storia Mess., iii. 150. It would be interesting to know what the ‘altre pruove’ are. Prescott admits only the baptism of the two Maxixcatzins and old Xicotencatl, but avoids giving the new names, owing to the conflict of authorities. Mex., ii. 445.
[1012] ‘Cómo era Muchacho, imprimió mas en él nuestra conversacion y tornóse cristiano.’ Cartas, 177.
CHAPTER XXX.
CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.
December, 1520-February, 1521.
The Objective Point—Vessels Needed—Martin Lopez Sent to Tlascala for Timber—Thirteen Brigantines Ordered—Cortés at Tlascala—Drill and Discipline—Address of the General—Parade of the Tlascaltecs—March to Tezcuco—New Ruler Appointed—Sacking of Iztapalapan—The Chalcans—Arrival at Tezcuco of the Brigantine Brigade.
The Tepeaca campaign had been only part of the plan conceived during the flight to Tlascala for the recovery of the dominating point of the empire. The strength of the capital, and the ascendancy acquired by the Aztecs during Spanish exclusion from the lake region, made it impossible to strike directly at the centre of the uprising. It was necessary first to conquer the surrounding provinces on which Mexico depended for aid, and to do this in detail was easier than to meet the combined strength of the foe. This would also leave the conquering troops free to turn their whole attention against the capital, with fresh allies and larger resources. A centre for operation was now needed within the valley, and one from which the Aztecs might be attacked in due time both by land and water. For this object Tezcuco presented the greatest advantages in being situated on the lake, some six leagues from Mexico, in the midst of a fertile country, and near enough to Tlascala, from and through which reinforcements might readily be obtained.[1013]
With a prudent foresight to these movements Cortés had shortly after his first successes in Tepeaca sent Martin Lopez, the shipwright, to Tlascala to prepare timber for thirteen brigantines, which were to be transported to the lake for besieging purposes. The republic offered to provide material and native carpenters, and aided by Andrés Nuñez and others, Lopez soon formed an efficient corps of assistants for felling and shaping the pieces, as modelled and numbered by himself. The site of construction was at Atempan, on the Rio Zahuatl,[1014] which afforded the necessary water for the trial launch, and had forests near by from which timber, masts, and pitch could be obtained.[1015] Iron, sails, cordage, and other needful articles taken from the sunken fleet were forwarded from Villa Rica, together with smiths and other workmen.
With the arrival of Cortés at Tlascala, preparations receive a fresh impulse, and weapons and armor are overhauled, pikes and arrows made, and stores collected. An opportune addition is made by the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, laden with war material, bows, bowstrings, arquebuses, powder, and a variety of goods; also over a dozen soldiers, with three horses. Cortés purchases the whole cargo, and persuades the owner, Juan de Búrgos, the captain, and the men to join him.[1016]
Drill receives attention, and equally necessary is the maintenance of order, for they are few, remote from succor, and surrounded by a powerful, warlike, and astute foe. Then they must maintain friendly relations with their allies, whose aid is essential to the achievement of their plans. One hasty utterance, one unjust act, can raise a storm wherein all may perish. Good treatment on every hand is necessary to win neutral and hostile provinces. It is often easier to persuade than to enforce. With this view Cortés, as captain-general and justicia mayor for his majesty, prepares a series of regulations which are proclaimed on the 26th of December 1520.
In a lengthy preamble are set forth some reasons for its publication and the necessity for good conduct, as recognized not only in human but in divine affairs, and practised since time immemorial for the regulation of wars.