Great Ralegh

by Hugh De Sélincourt

So Ralegh wrote; he was acquainted with grief, and familiar with death in every horrid guise. Twenty years later he was to prove with his own example the truth of what he wrote: "It apartayneth to every man of a wize and worthy spiritt to draw together into sufferance the unknown future to the known present; lookinge no less with the eyes of the minde then thos of the body—the one beholdinge afar off and the other att hand—that thos things of this worlde in which we live be not strange unto us when they approach...."

But Sir Robert Cecil was playing a deep and subtle game which was to make him the chief man in England during the few years that remained to the Queen of life and after her death. Essex and Ralegh he feared. He encouraged Essex to pass on his proud way to disaster, using Essex to thwart the rise of Ralegh. And Essex needed small encouragement. He coveted the popularity, which was to end in his utter undoing. Meanwhile his star was in the ascendant. His pride had not yet outgrown his strength.

Outwardly Cecil was friendly to Ralegh and hostile to Essex. He hated Essex; the two men's natures were in fierce opposition.

Ralegh was still suspended from his post of Captain of the Guard; but in June he was brought by Cecil to the Queen's presence. The Queen received him graciously, and reinstated him. Moreover, Ralegh and Essex were no longer in open enmity. Mr. Rowland Whyte records that "Sir Walter Ralegh hath been very often very private with the Earl of Essex and is the mediator of a peace between him and Sir Robert Cecil." And again in a letter dated April 9: "This day being Monday Sir Robert Cecil went in coach with the Earl of Essex to his house where Sir Walter Ralegh came, and they dined there together. After dinner they were very private all three for two hours, where the treaty of peace was confirmed." Between Ralegh and Essex there was something in common at certain moments; there was a gallantry about both men, which, in spite of everything, each could not fail to recognize in the other. This Sir A. Gorges noticed; he wrote with much acumen: "Though the Earl had many doubts and jealousies buzzed into his ears against Sir Walter Ralegh, yet I have often observed that both in his greatest actions of service, and in the times of his chiefest recreations, he would ever accept of his counsel and company before many others who thought themselves more in his favour."

Ralegh's rest was brief. Almost immediately after despatching the Wat to Guiana, he was engaged in raising levies and supplies with Essex for a new expedition against Spain. For the Spanish king was resolved to revenge his bad defeat at Cadiz by another invasion of England. Ralegh always believed that the surest manner of defence against such an invasion was an immediate attack. And that was the step which the Lords of the Council determined to take. About the time that Ralegh's ship, the Wat, returned from Guiana with the news which its captain, Mr. Thomas Masham, brought, the expedition was ready to put out to sea. The fleet was divided into three squadrons; the first was commanded by the Earl of Essex, who was Admiral and General-in-Chief; the second by Lord Thomas Howard; the third by Sir Walter Ralegh, whose position was that of Rear-Admiral, and in whose squadron sailed the great galleons, the St. Andrew and the St. Matthew, which he had captured at Cadiz. On Sunday the 10th of July the fleet set sail. Their destination was Ferroll in the Azores, where the Spanish fleet was reported to be harbouring. Their instructions were firstly to attack the fleet, and if it had gone away, to follow in pursuit; secondly, to intercept and capture the homeward-bound fleets from the East and West Indies. The expedition has passed into history under the name of the Islands Voyage.

The very day after the fleet weighed anchor a storm beat upon the ships with such violence that they were eventually forced to return to whatsoever harbour each could make. Many came very near to sinking, so high was the wind, so strong the waves, and there were sailors who died of exhaustion on their return to shore. The damage done to the heavy ships was very great, and time was necessary to refit them for the sea; the delay involved the necessity of revictualling the ships. On the 26th of July Ralegh reported from Plymouth, "Wee only attend the winde, having repayred as much as we can our bruses. Butt we shall not bee in any great corage for winter weather and longe nights, in thes ships."

The weather was unpropitious on their second venture, though they were obliged to wait until the second week in August. Ralegh's squadron was separated from the fleet, and was forced by the wind into the Bay of Biscay, out of which he found the greatest difficulty in making his way. Later in the voyage Sydney's flyboat foundered; but he and all his soldiers were rescued. "I have notwithstanding," writes Ralegh, "followed my Lord's order to cum to the Ilands, and I am now this 8 of September, in sight of Tercera, having chosen rather to perishe than to relinquishe the enterprize; and, the Lord douth know, in a torne shipp. Butt her Majestye shall find that I valew not my life; although I hope that her Majestye would not that I perishe in vayne. I hope after too dayes to fynde my Lorde Generall and the fleet with whom, I thinke, all the rest of her Majesties shipps ar, butt the Mathew with poore Georg Carew. It is a carfull and perelus tyme of the yeare for thes wayghty shipps. The Lorde of Heaven send us all well to returne, and send us the good hope to do her Majestie acceptable service; to performe which wee have already suffered miche. For my particular, I have never dared to rest since my wreacks, and God doth judge that I never for thes 10 dayes came so mich as in to bedd or cabbin."

Ralegh's squadron did not join the fleet until Essex had been ten days at Flores. Then it was determined to make a joint attack upon Fayal, as they had heard that it was unlikely the Spanish ships from the Indies would sail at all that year, and if they did sail, that they would avoid Flores. Essex sailed first for Fayal, because Ralegh's squadron was obliged to delay for repairs and revictualling. But Ralegh's squadron arrived first at Fayal, and, having waited three days for Essex, Ralegh at length, on the fourth day, attacked and captured Fayal by himself. He writes in the "History of the World:" "There were indeede some which were in that voyage who advised me not to undertake it: and I harkened unto them, somewhat longer than was requisite, especially whilest they desired me to reserve the title of such an exploit (though it were not great) for a greater person. But when they began to tell me of difficulty: I gave them to understand, the same which I now maintaine, that it was more difficult to defend a coast then to invade it. The truth is, that I could have landed my men with more ease than I did; yea without finding any resistance if I would have rowed to another place, yea even there where I landed if I would have taken more company to helpe me. But, without fearing any imputation of rashnesse, I may say that I had more regard of reputation in that businesse, than of safetie. For I thought it to belong unto the honour of our Prince and Nation, that a few Ilanders should not thinke any advantage great enough, against a fleet set forth by Q. Elizabeth: and further I was unwilling that some Low Countrie Captaines and others, not of mine own squadron, whose assistance I had refused, should please themselves with a sweet conceit ... that for want of their helpe I was driven to turne taile."

The passage is one of interest, larger than the mere description of an engagement. It shows Ralegh's immense and correct confidence in his judgment; and how his outlook always embraced much more than the actual event in hand, though its outline was never blurred for that reason. The theory he pronounced on the deck of his ship, and proved next day in the engagement, he reiterates in his History in one of the most notable of his digressions, that an island's only safe defence is her fleet. He ends his remarks with the very typical sentence, "I hope that this question shall never come to triall; his Majesties many moveable Forts will forbid the experience. And thoughe the Englishe will no lesse disdaine, than any Nation under heaven can doe, to be beaten upon their owne ground or elsewhere by a forraigne enemy; yet to entertaine those that shall assaile us with their own beefe in their bellies, and before they eate of oure Kentish capons, I take it to be the wisest way. To doe whiche, his Majesty, after God, will imploy his good ships on the Sea and not trust to any intrenchment upon the shore."

But to the actual action. The men who foretold trouble from the greater man spoke as truly as Ralegh proved his courage and foresight in the event. The fort on the shore was quickly taken; but behind rose a high hill, topped by another strong fort, and the men at the sight wavered to withdraw. None were willing to reconnoitre. Ralegh was furious, and swore that he would do scout's work himself. Sir Arthur Gorges and some dozen personal followers would not suffer him to go alone. So they made their way together up the hill under continual fire from the enemy. Ralegh's clothes were torn by bullets. Gorges was shot in the leg. The ascent impressed the enemy. When the final attack was made, the fort was found to be deserted.