After Elizabeth's death would have been the time to work the change without bloodshed. But that would have meant for Cecil that he must have shared his power with others. That was sufficient for Cecil. Always with Cecil his own prestige came first and blinded him to the ultimate benefit, which he sincerely wished might come to his country as it came to him.
But the warnings of Elizabeth's decline were not taken, and the prestige of her greatness was sufficient to carry on its tide the weight of her declining years and the reigns of two incompetent kings. Then matters came to such a point that only a bloody war could set them right, and the Puritan element, grown strong by abuses, triumphed, and its triumph swept away much that was valuable, and much that could ill be spared.
Sir Robert Cecil, however, and his tool, the Lord Henry Howard, determined to carry on the old tradition, and to make James VI. of Scotland King of England; and their scheme, as has been said, entailed the overthrow of Ralegh. They considered his overthrow necessary to the safety of their own position, and the safety of their own position was necessary to the welfare of the country. As a man who sees a little farther than the majority in matters of religion is apt to be called an atheist—Ralegh was called an atheist—so a man who sees a little farther in politics than the majority is apt to be called a traitor—Ralegh was called a traitor.
In November, 1601, the Duke of Lennox came into contact with Ralegh and Cobham. He had been sent by James to Henry IV. of France to win his support for James's claim to the English throne. Howard was furious that the Duke should be on terms of friendship with Ralegh; he wrote to the Earl of Mar suspicions of the Duke's fidelity, and to James that Ralegh and Cobham were his inveterate enemies. "Hell did never vomit up such a couple." That was not all. Howard knew that Cobham was weak and vacillating, he knew that many of Cobham's family were disposed to favour the Catholic cause. It would be easy to magnify any move of Cobham's in the Catholic direction into an absolute espousal of the Catholic claim. And what would be more likely than that the weak Cobham should be moved by the influence of his strong friend, Ralegh? In that way Ralegh could easily be caught in the toils of a conspiracy. The scheme was very subtle. To work its gradual fulfilment the Queen's mind must be turned against them. So Howard wrote to Cecil: "Hir Majesty must knowe the rage of their discontent for want of being called to that height which they affect; and be made to taste the perill that grows out of discontented minds.... So that roundly Hir Majestie must daily and by divers meanes be let to know the world's apprehendinge hir deepe wisdome in discerning the secret flawes of their affections. She must see some advertisements from forrain parts of the grief which the Queene's enemies doo take at their (i.e. Ralegh and Cobham) sittinge out, hoping that their placinge in authority would so far alienate the people's reverent affection as some mischief would succeed of it.... Rawlie that in pride exceedeth all men alive finds no vent for paradoxis out of a Council board ... and inspireth Cobham with his own passions. His wife as furious as Proserpina with failing of that restitution at Court which flatterie had moved her to expect." Cecil was instructed to inform the Queen of these things "that she may be more apt to receive impressions of more important reasons when time serves with opportunity." And then the crucial point of the deep plot to entrap Ralegh is clearly stated: "You must embark this gallant Cobham by your witt and interest, in some course the Spanish way as either may reveale his weaknesse or snare his ambition.... For my own part I account it impossible for him to escape the snares which wit may sett and weaknesse is apt to fall into."[C]
It is evident that Ralegh had some suspicion of what was being wrought against him; in sending a paper to the Queen against the proposals to declare a successor—the paper has unfortunately been lost—he writes a letter containing the following sentence:
"Your Majestye may, perchance, speake herof to thos seeminge my great frinds, but I finde poore effects of that or any other supposed ametye. For, your Majesty havinge left mee I am left all alone in the worlde, and am sorry that ever I was att all. What I have donn is oat of zeale and love, and not by any incorngement: for I am only forgotten in all rights and in all affaires; and myne enemis have their wills and desires over mee. Ther ar many other things concerninge your Majesty's present service, which, meethinks are not, as they ought, remembered, and the tymes pass away, unmesured, of which more profitt might be taken."
He may have known that Lord Henry Howard was mischievously inclined towards him; Howard had always been his enemy. But it is unlikely that he could have suspected Cecil, for Cecil was at the pains to show all the appearance of friendship both to him and to Lady Ralegh.
Yet Cecil was, from the beginning of his own correspondence, working against his friend. "Your Majestie," he writes to King James, "will fynde it, in your case that a choyce election of a feaw in the present wilbe of more use than any general acclamation of many." And in his third letter he praises Howard for his fidelity, and refers bitterly to Ralegh.
"I do profess in the presence of Hym that knoweth and searcheth all men's harts, that if I dyd not sometyme cast a stone into the mouth of these gaping crabbs (i.e. Ralegh and Cobham) when they are in their prodigall humour of discourses, they wold not stick to confess dayly how contrary it is to their nature to resolve to be under your soverainty; though they confess—Ralegh especially—that (rebus sic stantibus) naturall pollicy forceth them to keep on foot such a trade against the great day of mart. In all which light and soddain humours of his, though I do no way chock him, because he shall not think I reject his freedome or his affection, but alwaies ... use contestation with him that I neyther had nor ever wold in individus contemplate future idea, nor ever hoped for more than justice in time of change; yet under pretext of extraordinary care of his well-doing, I have seemed to disswade him from ingaging himself to farr, even for himself; much more therefore to forbeare to assume for me or my present intentions. Let me, therefore, presume thus farr upon your Majesties favour that whatsoever he (i.e. Ralegh) shall take uppon him to say for me, uppon any new humor of kyndnes,—wherof sometime he wilbe replete, uppon the recept of privat benefite,—you will no more believe it, if it come in other shape, be it never so much in my commendation—then that his own conscience thoght it needfull for him to undertake to keep me from any humor of inanity; when, I, thank God, my greatest adversaries and my owne sowle have ever acquited me from that, of all other vices. Wold God I were as free from ofense towards God in seeking for private affection to support a person whom most religious men do hold anathema."
This is probably one of the most crafty letters that even the astute Cecil ever wrote. He wants James to think badly of Ralegh, and he has no reason which he can urge for this. He is afraid that James may suspect his motives. He is afraid that James may hear from others of the friendship between him and Ralegh, that Ralegh may speak well of him. So he warns James against this: he hints that Ralegh will speak well of him only to gain some private benefit, fearing Cecil's inanity or animosity. Then, lest James should suspect him of such a defect, he hastens to explain that animosity is quite foreign to his nature. Only men like Ralegh would suspect him of it. Indeed, his heart is so kind that he must needs have affection for Ralegh in spite of all, in spite even (and this is a touch which would go far with the religious James) of the fact that many godly men consider Ralegh anathema, indeed, little better than an atheist.