[683]. Ewald, Ausführl. Lehrb. d. hebr. Sprache, § 164. c; Grammar transl. Nicholson, § 343 end.
[684]. Aug. Knobel, Die Bücher Numeri, Deuteronomium und Josua, p. 544. On the Northern origin of this book most candid Biblical critics are agreed.
[685]. Ursprung der Sagen von Abraham, Isak und Jakob. Kritische Untersuchung von A. Bernstein. Berlin 1871.
[686]. As the drawing up of the Canon belongs to an age in which the antagonism between North and South had ceased to exist, the literary products of the North which were still preserved from old times obtained a place in it, though always brought into harmony with the all-pervading theocratic character by occasional interpolated modifications of sentiment.
[687]. With respect to the originality and the specifically Hebrew character of the notion of Jahveh, I consider the most correct assertion yet made to be what Ewald declared in reference to the alleged Phenician Divine name Jah; for when we examine the passages and the data on which Movers’ and Bunsen’s opposite view is based, their apocryphal nature strikes us at the first glance. This is especially true (to mention one case only) of the passage of Lydus, De mens. IV. 38. 14: Οἱ Χαλδαῖοι τὸν θεὸν ΙΑΩ λέγουσιν ... τῇ Φοινίκων γλώσσῃ καὶ ΣΑΒΑΩΘ δὲ πολλαχοῦ λέγεται κτλ (See Bunsen, Egypt’s Place in Universal History, vol. IV. p. 193). As to the occurrence of the name Jahveh in the Assyrian theology there is not yet sufficient certainty. Eberhard Schrader, who refers to it, imagines the name to be borrowed from the Hebrew (Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, p. 4).
[688]. To this may be added that the Moabite Stone speaks of the vessels of Jahveh which king Mesha carried off as plunder from the Northern kingdom (line 18). Kuenen goes too far in finding a connexion between the worship of Jahveh in the Northern kingdom and the figures of bulls (Religion of Israel, I. 74 et seq.)
[689]. In the article Ueber die nabathäischen Inschriften von Petra, Hauran u.s.w., in the Zeitsch. d. D. M. G., 1860, XIV. 410.
[690]. This must not be placed in the same category with cases in which the insertion of [ ] can be explained phonologically (Ewald, Ausführliches Lehrb. der hebr. Spr. § 192. c; Böttcher, I. 286). See the Agadic explanation of this, which I have quoted in the Zeitsch. d. D. M. G., 1872, XXVI. 769.
[691]. The changes of name mentioned in 2 Kings XXIII. 34, XXIV. 17, should also be considered here. It is not probable that these changes were ordered by the Kings of Egypt and of Babylon; for in that case the names received in exchange would have been quite different, Egyptian and Babylonian respectively in form (compare Dan. I. 7). The change of Elyâḳîm into Yehôyâḳîm is especially noticeable, for it is a direct alteration of an Elohistic into a Jahveistic name. Such a change is usually the simple consequence of a religious revolution, as is seen in other cases. Thus, e.g. King Amenophis IV., when he directs his fanaticism against the worship of Ammon, and places that of Aten in the foreground, changes his Ammonic name into Shu en Aten, ‘the light of the solar orb.’ See Brugsch, L’histoire d’Égypte (1st ed.), I. 119, and Lenormant, Premières civilisations, I. 211. Of Moḥammed also we are told that he altered those portions of his followers’ names which savoured of idolatry, substituting monotheistic terms; thus one ʿAbd ʿAmr had his name changed to ʿAbd al-Raḥmân (Wüstenfeld, Register zu den genealogischen Tabellen, p. 27). The pious philologian al-Aṣmaʿî always calls the heathen Arabic poet Imru-l-Ḳeys, Imru Allâh, changing the name of the heathen god Ḳeys into the monotheistic Allâh (Guidi on Ibn Hishâmi’s Commentary etc., Leipzig 1874, p. XXI.).
[692]. As Pope in the Universal Prayer: ‘Father of all: ... Jehovah, Jove, or Lord!’—Tr.