But, nothing can better expresse the ignorance of that Age, then the barbarous manner of inscription upon the Tomb of the British Hector King Arthur, nephew to A. Ambrosius, found long since in the Churchyard of the Abbey at Glastenbury, the letters whereof, being exactly represented to our view by Camden,Cam. fo. 228. do, as by demonstration, fully discover to us the Barbarism of those times. As, barbarous in those characters, so were they ignorant in, and had lost the use of all other Arts. Nor exercise nor practice of good Arts, was then amongst them, saith the Historiographer of Malmsbury. And well he might so deliver himself, not withstanding Matthew Westminster tels us, A. Ambrosius repaired Churches, which the rage of Saxons, enemies to Christian Religion, spoiled. For, besides, the vast difference betwixt such works as Stoneheng, where Art overmasters the common skill of man, and making up the decaies of ruinated buildings, is apprehensive even to the meanest capacities: Gildas and Bede (whose Antiquity and learning the greater it is, the more is their authority acceptable) affirm, the Britans in those times knew not in what manner to bring up bare wals of stone. When, the Roman Legion sent to aid the Britans by Valentinian the third, under the conduct of Gallio of Ravenna, was remanded hence, for defence of France; before departing, they exhorted the Britans to make a wall overthwart the Island, to secure themselves from the Barbarians, Picts, and Scots: which wall, Bede tels us, was made not so much with stone, as turffes, considering they had no workmen to bring up such works of stone; and so, (saith the venerable Historian) they did set up one, good for nothing. ’Twas made by the rude, and unskilfull common multitude, not so much of stone, as turffes (saith Gildas also) none being found able to give direction for building works of stone. This was about thirty six years preceding A. Ambrosius government. In which time, the Romans abandoning Britain, Vortigern usurped; call’d in the Saxons to his aid; was deposed by his Nobility; and Vortimer his son set up. Whom Rowena having made away; Vortigern was re-enthronis’d. Him A. Ambrosius invades, and having burnt him, together with Rowena in Wales, assumes the Crown as his; holding continuall war with the Saxons, untill poysoned by Pascentius as aforesaid.
It being thus, that nothing but universall confusion, and destructive broyls of war, appeared then in all parts; more ancient, and far more propitious times, must be sought out for designing a structure, so exquisite in the composure as this: even such a flourishing Age, as when Architecture in rare perfection, and such People lookt upon, as by continuall successe, attaining unto the sole power over Arts, as well as Empires, commanded all. I say, such Times, and Persons, because those things, which accord not with the course of time, which by a generall consent of Authors agree not; which by the approved customes of ancient Ages, and votes of learned men, are not received and allowed, and consequently no ways probable; I easily admit not of.
Another fiction there is concerning Stoneheng, not to be past over; and though the cause upon which it’s grounded, be far more ancient then the government of Ambrosius, or aforesaid slaughter of the Britains: neverthelesse, in respect it is a new conceit, not thirty years being past since hatch’t, I suppose this the most proper place to discourse thereof, having ended with Geffrey Monmouth, Polydore Virgill, and their followers.
The Author thereof is Anonymus, unlesse known in being Translator of Lucius Florus. His opinion, (in his Nero Cæsar) Stoneheng the Tomb of Boadicia (formerly remembred) Queen of the Iceni.Ner. Cæs. fo. 181. His reasons, first, because that memorable battell betwixt her, and Suetonius Paulinus fought upon a Plain. Secondly, in respect the Britans buried her magnificently. For confirming this, he tels us, Had the pretieus volumes of the Cornelian Annals, and Dio Cassius, and John Xiphiline been within the spheare of Geffrey Monmouths studies, not Aurelus Ambrosius, nor those four hundred and sixty Noblemen of Britain, murthered in Vortigerns reign, should have carried away with him the fame of this materiall wonder, but magnanimous Boadicia. It seems, he would not be behinde-hand with Monmouth; for, as the one finding no story more famous then of A. Ambrosius and the slaughtered Britans, fathered Stoneheng upon them: so, to make the inventive faculty, as apparently predominant in himself; this other, respecting Boadicia’s heroicall actions, would as willingly make the world beleeve this Antiquity her Monument.
His principall argument I delivered before; to wit, the battell betwixt Her and the Romans, wherein Boadicia utterly overthrown too, being fought upon a Plain. Was there in old time (did he think) no Plain in Britain to fight a battell on but Salisbury Plain? How came Boadicia and her Army thither? I find indeed, Boadicia leading one hundred and twenty thousand fighting men out of the Icenian Countries, and like a terrible tempest, falling upon Camalodunum, that famous Roman Colony of old, (where the first fury of the War was felt) she surprised it and razed it to the ground; Suetonius Paulinus then in Anglesey: Intercepting Petilius Cerealis, who advanced with the ninth legion to relieve that Colony, she cut all his Infantry in peeces: Putting to the sword all those, which imbecillity of sex, tediousnesse of age, or pleasure of the place detained from following Suetonius in his march from London: And taking Verulamium, sackt and burnt it down to ashes. But, how she marcht from thence to Salisbury Plain is neither apparent nor probable; not the least inkling being left in the world, what hostile acts she committed, which way she moved, or what done by her, after the ruine of Verulam, till utterly overthrown.
Can it be imagined, she that destroyed so great a Colony, together with a free-borough of the Romans, slain seventy or eighty thousand persons in such horrid manner as scarce credible; reserving not one Prisoner alive, but killing, hanging, crucifying, and burning whatsoever Romane, or to that party enclined: that was yet victorious, and her Army encreasing daily; can it be imagined, I say, she marcht to Salisbury Plain with so huge an Army invisibly? or stole from Verulam thither by night, lest notice should be taken of her proceedings? Anonymus self cannot think so unworthily of his Boadicia, yet certainly after such manner she went, if ever went thither at all: Otherwise, Boadicia marching in the height of glory, and bearing down all before her till rancountred by Suetonius. Those faithfull Historians Tacitus, and Dion, (both so sedulous in delivering her Fame to posterity) would never have omitted so notable a march, through such a large tract of enemies Countrey, as of necessity she was to make from Verulam, to Salisbury Plain; but would have prosecuted her War, by recording the spoyls, rapines, burnings, and devastations made therein; as particularly, as from the first fomenting the rebellion, till her advance to Verulam, they have done. Upon which Town, and the aforementioned places only, the aforesaid Historians directly tell us the whole burden of the War fell.Tacit. Ann. lib. 14. Ad Septuaginta millia civium & sociorum iis quæ memoravi locis occidisse constitit, saith Tacitus. It was manifest, there were slain in the places, I have remembred, the number of seventy thousand Citizens and Allies. Bunduica duas urbes (saith Xiphilines DionDion. Cas. lib. 62. also) populi Romani expugnavit atque diripuit, in iísque cædem infinitam, ut supradixi, fecit. Bunduica took and razed to the ground two Towns of the Romans, and in them made that infinite slaughter, I have mentioned before, of fourscore thousand persons. At Verulam then, it fully appears, the course of her Victories stopt, the inhumane butchery of the Romans, and their confederates, ended with the massacre in that Town; which could not possibly have hapned, if with such a firm resolution to extirpate the Roman name in Britain, and such a numerous Army to effect it, she had gone on victoriously unfought with, so far as where this Antiquity stands. And therefore the Plain of Salisbury could not be the place of battell, as Anonymus would fain enforce it. Who having so largely, and with so good advice, discoursed the motions, and actions of this rebellion, with all the circumstances thereof, from the first rise, till she destroyed Verulam, should either have found some warrantable authority for Boadicia’s so great an undertaking afterwards, else never engaged her so far within the Roman Province; otherwise, some may imagine, he framed it, only out of ambition for a meer pretence, rather, then stated it, from a reall endeavour, to make discovery for what cause Stoneheng at first erected.
Furthermore, Suetonius Paulinus was too well skilled in the discipline of war, to make the seat thereof in a Countrey so absolutely Roman, as betwixt the British Ocean and the River Thames. He had it’s true (being return’d from Anglesey) abandoned London, no colony. But upon what result? finding his accesse of strength disproportionable to the War in hand, and thereforeTacit. Ann. lib. 14. determined with the losse of one Town to preserve the rest whole, (whether London or Camalodunum is not to the purpose) and, by attending the motions of the enemy, wait all fair occasions to give Boadicia battell,Dion. Cass. lib. 62. being unwilling to try his fortune too suddenly, multitude and successe making the Britans outrageously daring. In the interim neverthelesse, raising what forces, the exigency of so important affairs would permit.
Which way Suetonius marched from London is altogether omitted, yet if lawfull to conjecture, why not? to draw off the Forces of Catus Decianus Procurator, (not long before fled into Gaul, for fear of this War) together with the remains of Petilius Cerealis troops; quartered, as Anonymus confesseth,Ner. Cæs. fo. 105. in those very camps yet appearing about Gildsbrough and Daintry in Northamptonshire, then, confining the Icenian Dominion to the Westward. Which Troops therefore, lay doubtlesse, in very great danger if not timely relieved; especially in case Boadicia should conduct her Army that way; as, ere long afterwards she did so far as Verulam; this course being taken by her, not improbably, in pursuit of Suetonius. Neither was it very dangerous for the Roman Generall to lead his Forces that way, the Enemies main strength lying about Camalodunum. Howsoever, whether he marched up to them or no, concluded it is, he made his retreat towards Pœnius Posthumus encamped with the second Legion in the borders of the Silures, (now Herefordshire, Radnorshire &c.) for which Legion, Suetonius sending to have it brought up to his Rendezvouz, his commands being slighted, that strength failed him. The way which Suetonius took,Ner. Cæs. fo. 154. after his departure, was in mine opinion (saith Anonymus) towards Severn, where Pœnius Posthumus encamped with the second Legion among the Silures. So also Spencer our famous English Poet finds it. Whereby it appears, Suetonius retreat was not Westward to Salisbury Plains, but Northerly towards that second Legion. In this retreat, I may not omit, Anonymus conducts him over the Thames at London;Ner. Cæs. fo. 155. which if granted, and, that he kept the river upon his right hand still, untill engaging Boadicia, as Anonymus saith he did: then was Suetonius march far away indeed from Salisbury Plain. The course of that River winding, as we all know, through Barkshire out of Oxfordshire, where Tame from the County Buckingham, and Isis from the edge of Glocester Province, make their conjunction a little beneath Dorchester. And, if keeping this course still by the Rivers side, Suetonius marcht alongst the banks of Cherwell also, then must Anonymus, whether he will or no, bring him up close to Gildsbrough and Daintry, as aforesaid;Ner. Cæs. fo. 166. and thereby (for it is admitted Cerealis horse-troops were at the fight) reconciling all opinions, upon his direct way towards the second Legion.
How far on, neverthelesse, toward Pœnius Posthumus Camp Suetonius advanced is uncertain; but, that the battell might be fought in some Plain about Verulam, or upon that rode, is not altogether improbable. (Especially considering part of Suetonius strength consisted of Londoners, who, as Auxiliaries followed him in this War, and would not stay behind). For, the Roman Generall when marshalling his Army for fight, had with him (saith Tacitus) the aids of the places adjoyning. What places were these? the last place named by him was Verulam, the next place before it London; and, if the Historian intends either of these two, by the places adjoyning to the field, where the battell fought; then, may Anonymus prove the desarts in Africa, as soon as the Plains of Salisbury, to be the place of Battell.
Spencer saith,Cant. 10. the battell was fought near Severn: