[87] Schulze-Gaevernitz, Der Grossbetrieb, p. 48.

[88] Ellison, History of the Cotton Trade, presents the following interesting table (yarn, 40 hanks to the lb.):—

1779. 1784. 1799. 1812. 1830. 1882.
s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d.
Selling price16 0 10 11 7 6 2 6 1 2-1/2 0 10-1/2
Cost of Cotton (18 oz.) 2 0 2 0 3 4 1 6 0 7-3/4 0 7-1/8
Labour & Capital14 0 8 11 4 2 1 0 0 6-3/4 0 3-3/8

[89] Porter, Progress of the Nation, p. 13. Eighteenth century figures are, however, not trustworthy. The first census was in 1801.

[90] Ure, Philosophy of Manufactures, p. 531.

[91] Schulze-Gaevernitz, Der Grossbetrieb, p. 34.

[92] In 1882 42 per cent. of the German textile industry was still conducted in the home or domestic workshop, while only 38 per cent. was carried on in factories employing more than 50 persons. More weavers were still engaged with hand-looms than with power-looms, and the latter was so little developed that the hand-loom could still hold its own in many articles. Knitting, lace-making, and other minor textile industries are still in the main home industries.—(Social Peace, p. 113.) "While in England in 1885 each spinning or weaving mill had an average of 191 operatives, each spinning mill in Germany in 1882 employed an average of 10 persons only."—(Brentano, Hours, Wages, and Production, p. 64.)

[93] Ure, Philosophy of Manufactures, p. 515.

[94] Toynbee, Industrial Revolution, p. 79.

[95] The highly elaborate American machine industry of watch-making is a striking example of this influence of high wages. Cf. Schulze-Gaevernitz, Social Peace, p. 125.