[There is a remarkable notice in the Calendar of Oengus that on April 5 “on the great feast of Beccan MacCula, with a victory of piety excellent Patrick’s baptism was kindled in Ireland” (transl. Stokes, p. lxvii.). This obviously refers to the Slane legend, but the date April 5 must have a different origin, as Easter did not fall on that day in 433. During Patrick’s episcopate it fell only once on April 5, viz., in A.D. 459, whether on the 84 or 84 (12) cycle. The notice therefore suggests that in that year there was a baptismal ceremony which was remembered; and it might be conjectured that it was the occasion of the raid of Coroticus, which probably occurred towards the end of Patrick’s life. See [cap. ix.] and [notes].]
[P. 104.]—High festival at Tara (Feis Temrach). The holding of such an assemblage by Loigaire is recorded in Ann. Ult. s.a. 454 (cp. s.a. 461), and by his successor Ailill Molt, s.a. 467 (alternative dates 469, 470). According to the Book of Rights (p. 7), such conventions were held every seventh year; other traditions represent them as triennial (cp. Todd, St. Patrick, p. 416). But these notices in the Annals suggest that they were not held at stated periods in the fifth century, but were summoned at the pleasure of the High King for special purposes. This is especially suggested by the notice (Ann. Ult. s.a. 461) that Loigaire lived seven years and seven months after the Feast of Tara, as if it were a unique, not a recurring, event in his reign; and the statement is inconsistent with a septennial as well as with a triennial period. The periodic convention contemplated by the Book of Rights was held at Samhain (Nov. 1).
[P. 105.]—The company driving over the plain of Breg might possibly contain a reminiscence of the custom of a Flurumritt, as described by Mannhardt, Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstämme, 397 sqq. In the Archduchy of Austria it was the custom for the sons and servants of the house to ride round the fields at Easter, vor Sonnenaufgang im schnellsten Laufe. Other instances of such early processions are cited. The custom of proceeding ad laevam against the sun with malicious intent, seems still to exist near Lough Case in Mayo. There is a pile of stones near the lake “round which stations are made desiul [rightward], except in the case of maliciously disposed persons, who occasionally come on the sly in the dead of night, and go round widdershins in order to raise storms to destroy crops and kill cattle” (Professor Rhŷs, Proceedings of Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Part iii. vol. viii. 5th series, 1898, p. 233).
[P. 110.]—The Burg in Eiffel district (on first Sunday in Lent): Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 501. Compare also the practice of the Gallic Druids described by Caesar, B.G. vi. 16, and the material collected by Mr. Frazer, Golden Bough, iii. 319 sqq.
[P. 111.]—Burning of Sandan. Cp. Frazer, Golden Bough, iii. 168 sqq.
[P. 112.]—Mode of burial of Loigaire. Tírechán, 308₄: the text should be read as follows:—
“Nam Neel pater meus non siniuit mihi credere sed ut sepeliar in cacuminibus Temro” (quasi uiris consistentibus in bello, quia utuntur gentiles, etc.), “ego filius Neill, et filius Dunlinge [sc. sepeliatur] im Maistin in campo Liphi pro duritate odi(u)i.”
Dr. Gwynn saw that ego is to be construed with sepeliar. It seems best to suppose that quasi—bello is not part of Loigaire’s declaration. As Mr. Stokes points out, odiui can be translated as a perfect (the relative being omitted), but odii proposed by Todd furnishes better sense. The two foes were still to face each other in their tombs, standing in their armour, Loigaire looking southward and the King of Laigin northward.
[P. 115.]—Dubthach. Muirchu 283₂ Dubthoch maccu-Lugil poetam optimum; Add. Notices 344, Dubthach maccu-Lugair. Material about the Hy Lugair of Leinster is collected in Shearman’s Loca Patriciana. Shearman’s theory that the Killeen Cormac bilingual stone commemorates Dubthach and three of his sons cannot be maintained. The ogam inscription means “(monument) of Ovanus, descendant of Ivacattus,” and the Latin inscription reads Ivvere Drvvides, which Professor Rhŷs interprets “of the Druid of Ivvera (= Ireland).” Thus the stone would commemorate one Ovanus, a Druid. It certainly belongs to the Christian period, and may probably be dated to the sixth century. Professor Rhŷs thinks it is by no means impossible that this Druid was of the race of Dubthach maccu-Lugair (Studies in Early Irish History, p. 7). But there can hardly be much ground for such a supposition, especially as Dubthach was a poet, not a Druid. The inscription illustrates the survival of Druidism.
The presence of Dubthach, a Leinster poet, at Tara, in the legend, is remarkable. Was the incident inserted by Muirchu himself, from Slébte tradition, or is Muirchu only responsible for the reference to Fíacc, Dubthach’s pupil? It seems probable that Dubthach’s presence appeared in the legend in its original form, and was a genuine reminiscence (cp. [Appendix A, ii. 5]), and if so, it betrays that Patrick’s legendary appearance at Tara was suggested by an actual visit, in very different circumstances, for the purpose of consulting with Loigaire and representatives from various parts of Ireland, one of whom would have been Dubthach, about the status, etc., of Christian communities. For the file, poet and lawyer, cp. D’Arbois de Jubainville, Droit celtique, i. 321 sqq.