Imposition in Northern “Quarters.”

Decatur has been mentioned elsewhere in this book. It is the third railway centre in the 3rd productive State in the U. S. Its population is 20,000. It is about 40 miles from Lincoln, where a log cabin, as a relic of the martyred President, Abraham Lincoln, remains. There are three Churches of color represented in Decatur. The first innocent blood was drawn from the neck of a colored man in 1893, and shed upon the city of Decatur by some of its “respectable” citizens, men and women. My introduction to Decatur was in June, 1894, during my visit to a “colored camp meeting.” I heard it noised around that a Mr. Jackson, waiter of St Nickels Hotel, had been arrested and placed in jail on a charge of attempted “rape.” The Lynch alarm had been sounded, which aroused the sympathy of the colored population to protect Jackson. Those who showed cowardice were invited to a speech delivered by the writer, urging the colored men to consolidate their forces and preclude the mob from the prisoner. Much enthusiasm was manifested while the speech was being made, and at the conclusion preparation was immediately begun to resist the murderers. Guns, revolvers, swords, knives and clubs of any dangerous description were collected and laid by for battle. The municipal authority showed no protection, pro et con, the movements. By 8 p.m. on the evening appointed by the mob gang, the colored men and boys were arranged in military form, being under command of general and captain, etc. The army received cheers for management, courage and promptness from the better classes of the white population.

The jail in which this prisoner was, was about four blocks from the main part of the city. The white boys who usually follow shows and excitement, had occupied the nearest seats to the jail at an early hour, anxiously waiting to see the end of Jackson’s life. As I advanced accompanied by my guard, one of the young spectators asked with a tone of delight, “Are they going to lynch the nigger to-night?” I could but give the answer, “No.” Having instructed all concerned to show no uncivility to any person, but at the rise of war, put forth every exertion to save the life of the prisoner. Orders were given to the band to surround the prison. Just now I began to experience some of the actual “turns” of the battle-field. 300 black faces at one signal dotted in separate groups on all sides of the jail and court-house. At 9 o’clock a man of low stature passed along the main street, smoking sumptuously, with a rope which had been presented specially for the lynching of Jackson. The rope-man was so completely absorbed in the occupation, he failed to see those who had come to see justice meted out to the prisoner, who so well deserved it. Some of his constituency within the court-rooms informed him of the danger in store; he then accepted of a hard bed in the building for the night. At this crisis absolute calmness seemed to prevail which continued until between 1 and 2 a.m., when the watchmen were disturbed by the yells of intoxicated men. Noises of teams, wagons, riders on horse-back, and some “foolers,” all winding their way from country villages and bush-towns into the “big town” to kill the old “nigger.” The night policemen who finally showed some degree of courtesy to the colored band, conveyed the information to the mob that “300 black men lie in wait for you; if the mob attempts to take Jackson to-night, no small number of lives will be lost”. With this intelligence the blood-thirsty gang received orders from their captain on a sub-way bridge to “retreat until the next night.” A reporter from the leading newspaper of the city, who had taken in the general outlook of the affair, asked permission to address the colored “boys.” Receiving permission from the proper source, he then rode amid the cool headed body of men. Lighting from his horse said, “Gentlemen, I understand that you have gathered to protect Mr. Jackson. Now I wish to inform you that you need not fear any thing like a mob from any person in Decatur.” “But they are coming from the country,” came a voice from some person in the rear of the crowd. “Mr. Jackson is known here as a gentleman,” continued the speaker. “The circumstances in connection with this case I am fully acquainted with. Mr. Jackson and this woman were intimate, and some business men in town can verify the fact that Mr. Jackson gave her money two days ago. The story that Mr. Jackson was found in her room on her bed with a revolver a few evenings ago, is true. He was not there to force, but because she asked him there, being afraid of a policeman just outside the door. She cried out to secure herself from the law.” These words were received by the company with profound respect. The Decatur papers verified the reporter’s statements.

This is not, however, the end of the struggle for life. The spirit of protection was intense, and grew parallel with the “lynch fever.” The following evening a greater representation of the colored population appeared on the scene. Those who failed to secure themselves with arms the previous evening, came better fortified; but no further attempt to enter the jail was made by the “outlawers.” The third night, the municipal power intervened, and chastised the tumultousness. This was begun by the arrest of one of the colored company, Mr. Artist, who had occupied a seat in the park, which faces the front street, and who had two shot guns, and was repeatedly told to leave. This he refused to do. On this ground he was imprisoned. A committee composed of Mr. J. Artist, Mr. Oliphant, and the writer called on the Mayor. His Honor cordially received the committee, and assured the committee that “nothing to hinder the colored citizens from standing for themselves will be done. Mr. Artist will be released to-morrow morning.”

From these proceedings the reader is not to conclude that such an act would stop the Southern lynchings. In a Northern city of so small a population of colored people as Decatur, it is reasonable to suppose that race war would not be tolerated, while such would be the case in the South. That the city officials were friendly to the action of the colored people is seen in the fact that there was no interference with them until the third night of the warfare, and the releasement of Mr. Artist. It should be remembered that the colored citizens were in every respect submissive to the law, only that the condition of their surroundings had grown to the doctrine, “Eye for eye, and tooth for tooth.”

With an outstretched hand to fallen humanity, and uplifted voice to God, accompanied by a painful heart, I must here appeal to Scripture facts. “All things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to His purpose.” Rev. Mr. Mudd, a distinguished divine, connected himself with the colored citizens of Decatur, striving to uphold the right in the case of Mr. Jackson, who through the instrumentality of his race was given a fair trial.

CHAPTER IV.
WAGES.

Scarcely any of the wealthy people of the North, and thinkers on vital questions of the day in European nations, properly consider the salary of colored laborers of the South, as a comparison to that of the white laborer. It is universally admitted that the colored race has made rapid progress—progress worthy of praise. But in the face of destitution, educational endeavorment, exertions put forth to erect church edifices, and imposition as described in the preceding chapter, thousands of good people stand and say: “The negroes are allowed to work in nearly all the branches of labor that are in the South, and why should we help them to build their schools and churches, since they have been freed long enough to look after themselves from a financial standpoint? and why should we try to assist them in getting their rights at law, when they don’t try to assist themselves when they are outraged by the lynchers, there being as many or more colored people in some States than white people?” If the negro was allowed the same chance or the same wages as his white brother, then we could to some extent join with the above in asking, why? But few of the many colleges and churches of the colored people are paid for. Could colored millionaires be expected within 35 years of freedom? No. There are some pursuing riches. In the State of Mississippi many colored persons owned “plantations.” Only owned until some “heir” arise to force them by “law” to disown their property. This course of defrauding the colored people out of their stringent and honest earnings has existed many years. In consideration of these things we must conclude that donations amounting to enough to pay off debts of colored institutions, such as that of Payne Theological Seminary should be given by those who have received abundantly from the hands of a Father, who is rich in houses and lands, and holdeth the wealth of the world in His hand.

In sustenance of what has been said as a proof of the Southern colored labor being discounted, in that a minority of those who are fitted for all departments of work are not employed, we give a clipping from the Detroit Evening News: