[93] This account of the crusades at first appeared in the Mercury, and was afterwards printed in a little volume. It is now merged in Voltaire’s Histoire Générale.
[94] Two memorials obtained prizes; one was by M. Hercen, the other by M. Choisseul d’Aullecourt. Both are remarkable for erudition and spirit of criticism; they marked out the way we have followed, and we take pleasure in acknowledging all we owe them.
[95] When a person moderately read in French history remembers the selfish, sensual, wicked characters here so unduly eulogized, he may forgive himself for the smile with which he must read the “impotent conclusion.”—Trans.
[96] Say, rather—rendered so infamous by his cruelties.—Trans.
[97] The chronicle of Tours tells us, with the greatest simplicity, that Charlemagne was called the Great on account of his great good luck; thus historians confounded, as the vulgar do, glory with fortune.
[98] These must be exceedingly remote times, indeed; such as we have no account of. The oldest poems, the oldest histories, describe no such state; the savage tribes of the forest and the desert have something of a pride of ancestry, and are known as the sons of their fathers, as well as Achilles was known as Pelides, or Gaul as the son of Morni.—Trans.
[99] It does not become us, as translators, to enter into controversy with our original, otherwise, much might be said in reply to this truly conservative paragraph. But, as readers of history, we think we may be permitted to observe, that the advantages pointed out in the first lines of it do not appear in the history of Venice. She was never so great or so prosperous as when purely mercantile. When territory was acquired, and nobility arose, corruption and decay soon followed.—Trans.
[100] And yet we cannot think that the custom of the Scotch lairds, who assume the name of their estates, can be traced to this source, although they do it in the same way. It seems probable that the French de, generally admitted as a proof of gentility, at least, was adopted upon such an occasion; but even this de is subject to doubt, as implying the lord of the estate, country, or city, or the man who raised himself into note from the country or city.—Trans.
[101] How was it, then, that William of Normandy, on his conquest of England, two centuries before, created so many of his knights, earls and barons, giving them titles of the places and estates he at the same time bestowed? Philip-le-Hardi, no doubt, gave the newly-created nobles means to support their honours and nobility was connected with property, as it had been.—Trans.
[102] In this suggestive passage we are sorry to find the prejudices of our original inducing him to give a false colouring to his picture. Monarchs granted no immunities to the people out of love for either liberty or the people, but to gain their assistance against their enemies, the great vassals or barons—thence the consequences; the principle was carried so far, that the monarch was elevated into the despot; and then another change ensued; when his power was so complete that his old enemies looked upon him as the source of all honours and riches, they united with him; both joined in their endeavours to oppress and plunder the people; and then came the last phase.—Trans.