Charles V., after making peace with Francis I., had convoked, at Frankfort, for the month of February 1539, a conference of evangelical and Roman Catholic theologians, who were to endeavor to find a basis of agreement. We have not to devote our attention to all the work done at the German assemblies which Calvin attended, but only to that which concerns him personally. Deputies from Strasburg went to Frankfort, but the young French doctor did not accompany them. He contented himself with earnestly commending to Bucer the cause of the persecuted Protestants. But shortly after, having received a letter from Bucer, informing him that he found it was impossible for him to do anything for his co-religionists, and hearing at the same time that Melanchthon was present at the conferences, his spiritual earnestness overcame the timidity of his nature. He was seized with a strong desire to go to Frankfort and to converse with the friend of Luther on religion and the affairs of the Church. He set out in great haste the next day. At Frankfort he met some of the most prominent characters of the Reformation. Here were the pious John Frederick, elector of Saxony; young Maurice of Saxony, who was one day to prove so formidable to Charles V.; the famous landgrave Philip of Hesse, the Duke of Luneburg, and many other princes, whose acquaintance could not be a matter of indifference to the young reformer. Several of these young princes were accompanied by a great number of knights and soldiers, and all appeared to be full of courage for the defence of the Gospel. Calvin, in long letters to Farel, gave an account of all that he saw and thought. He formed a most just conception of the Protestant question in Germany, of the disposition of the princes, of the policy of Charles V., and of the various matters under discussion. But one man was there whose society he coveted more than that of all the princes. Calvin’s sojourn at Frankfort is especially marked by the conversations which he had with Melanchthon ‘on many subjects.’[773] Several of the most influential men of the Reformation, in Switzerland and in France, were not well informed as to the opinions of this celebrated doctor. Calvin wished to be able to bear testimony to them with certitude. The great idea of the French doctor was agreement between all evangelical Christians. He was convinced that it was necessary, not only for the sake of obedience to the commandments of Jesus Christ, but further to promote the triumph of the evangelical cause. He wished for union, not only of the various parties in Germany, but of Germany and Switzerland. Now Melanchthon appeared to him the fittest man to bring about agreement among the Protestants. No sooner had these two great doctors met and exchanged the most kindly greetings, than Calvin opened the question. He had communicated to Melanchthon some articles in which his view of the supper was set forth in a way to terminate dissension. ‘There is no room for controversy between you and me,’ said Melanchthon, immediately; ‘I accept your articles.’[774] This was a great pleasure to Calvin. It was however soon disturbed. ‘But,’ continued the friend of Luther, ‘I must confess to you that we have some among us who demand something more material, and this so obstinately, not to say so despotically,[775] that I have found myself for a long time exposed to danger because they know that I differ from them on this subject. I do not believe that a solid agreement is attainable. But I desire that we should abide by the present agreement, such as it is, until the Lord lead us by one way or another into union in the truth.’ Calvin perfectly satisfied, hastened to write to Farel—‘Entertain no more any doubt about him, but consider him as holding altogether the same views as we do.’ Farel and Calvin found in Melanchthon an important ally.

CALVIN AND MELANCHTHON.

There was another question on which Calvin desired to ascertain the opinion of Melanchthon; it was that of discipline. On this subject he was not fully satisfied. Hardly had he mentioned it when his companion began, like others, says Calvin, to lament its absence in the Church. ‘Ah,’ said Calvin, ‘it is easier to mourn over the miserable state of the Church in this respect than to change it. And meanwhile how many examples are there which ought to animate us in seeking a remedy for this evil! Not long ago a good and learned man, who could not take on himself to tolerate vice, was driven from Ulm in disgrace, while his colleagues gave him the most honorable references. The news received from Augsburg is no better. Some day people will make a sport of deposing their pastors and sending them into exile.’ ‘We are in the midst of such a storm,’ said Melanchthon, ‘that we can do nothing better than give way for a short time to adverse winds.[776] We may hope that when external foes give us more repose, we shall be able to apply ourselves to remedying the evils that are within.’

These conversations of Calvin and Melanchthon possessed a great attraction for both of them. We can imagine how interesting was this exchange of views between two of the most distinguished minds of the age. Their speech was simple, profound, and natural. They listened well and replied well. Calvin spoke with great freedom, although without dogmatism. The ceremonies of worship in the Lutheran churches, the singing in Latin, the images and other things quite as much to be censured, were among the subjects which he had at heart. ‘I must confess to you frankly,’ he said to Melanchthon, ‘that this superfluity of ceremonies pains me; it seems to me that the forms which you have kept are not far removed from Judaism.’[777] Calvin having given his reasons, ‘I will not dispute with you on this subject,’ said Melanchthon; ‘I own that we have among us too many of these senseless, or at any rate certainly superfluous rites.[778] But it was necessary to concede this to the canonists, who show themselves very obstinate with respect to it. For the rest, there is no place in Saxony which is less overloaded with them than Wittenberg, and even there much of this farrago will be thrown overboard. Luther disapproves just as much the ceremonies which he has been compelled to keep as he does your parsimony in regard to them.’ Calvin when relating this conversation to Farel adds, ‘Bucer cannot endure that for the sake of these paltry outward observances we should separate from Luther; and I too believe that they are not legitimate causes of division.’[779] From all these conversations Calvin derived the conviction of the complete sincerity of Melanchthon, and this he was anxious to communicate to those who doubted it.

HENRY VIII. AND MELANCHTHON.

Henry VIII. was at this time requesting that a new embassy should be sent to him, and that Melanchthon should be a member of it. The princes were not inclined to intrust the mission to this doctor, as they feared that he might, for want of firmness of character, make imprudent concessions to the king.[780] Calvin opened his mind freely to Melanchthon on the subject. ‘I swear most solemnly to you,’ replied the latter, ‘that there is no ground for this fear.’ ‘I rely on him no less than on Bucer,’ wrote Calvin to Farel. ‘When the business is to treat with those who require to be treated with some indulgence, Bucer is animated with so much zeal for the propagation of the Gospel that, content with having obtained the most important things, he is perhaps sometimes rather too ready to give up those which he looks on as very subordinate, and which for all that have their weight.’ Further, Calvin’s opinion of Henry VIII. was formed, and he did not conceal it. ‘This prince,’ said he, ‘is scarcely half wise.[781] He prohibits the marriage of priests and bishops, not only under the penalty of deprivation of their offices, but by severe punishments besides. He maintains the daily masses and the seven sacraments. He has thus a mutilated Gospel, half of it torn off, and a Church still full of many absurdities.[782] He has recently published a new edict, by which he endeavors to keep the people from the reading of the Bible; and to show you that it is not mere thoughtlessness, but that he takes up the matter in earnest, he has lately had a good and wise man burnt because he denied the carnal presence of Christ in the bread.’[783] Calvin afterwards says, ‘The worst of it is that the king tolerates nothing but what he has sanctioned with his own authority. Thus it will come to pass that Christ shall profit them nothing, except the king should be willing to permit him. The Lord will punish such arrogance by some notable chastisement.’[784]

It was determined at Frankfort that another assembly should be held in the course of the summer. Melanchthon, soon after his arrival in that town, had seen in a dream a large picture in which was represented the figure of Christ on the cross, and around him souls clothed in white. The electors of the empire, bearing the ensigns of their dignity, were approaching it in regular order. Next after them came an ass, covered with a linen cope and dragging after him with a rope the emperor and the pope, as if he were going to conduct them to that assembly of the blessed.[785] ‘I think,’ said Myconius, who was then at Frankfort, ‘that it is the Germanic ass which the emperor and the pope have hitherto ridden so hard and miserably treated.’ The good Melanchthon was very much taken up with the thought of leading to Christ all the German princes, and even the emperor and the pope; and it appears that in his great humility he had represented himself in his dream under the figure of an ass. Luther in his reply thinks decidedly that it was a two-footed ass.[786] Be that as it may, the assembly at Frankfort does not appear to have led anybody to the crucified, and especially neither pope nor emperor. It would have taken more than one rope to draw them thither. Calvin did not wait for the close of the colloquy to return to Strasburg.

CHAPTER XVI.
CALVIN’S RELATIONS WITH SADOLETO.
(1539.)

MEETING OF PRELATES AT LYONS.