It was the intention of the authorities to oppose the arbitrary removal of images by private persons. But these same authorities lost no time in suppressing them by their own act throughout the country. A few days later, Thursday, October 19, the chief magistrate and the councillors of Berne addressed all their trusty subjects of Vaud, and announced to them by proclamation that being bound to govern them not only by means of ‘corporal and outward ordinances, but also by exercising all diligence to see that they walked according to the will of God, in the true and living faith which brings forth good works; considering that the ten conclusions which had been discussed at Lausanne were based on Holy Scripture, they enjoined everyone to abstain from all papistical ceremonies, sacrifices, and institutions; to cast down all images and idols, as well as the altars, and this in an orderly manner without disturbance; to hear the Word of God, to receive the preachers with kindness, and not to molest and worry them, so that all may dwell together in true peace, brotherly love and union.’[420] These ordinances in the matter of religion and worship would seem strange in our day; and we might wonder whether such would be tolerated even in Japan. But they were in accordance with the spirit of that time, and the rulers of Berne were doing their best.
The Reformation achieved greater triumphs still than the abolition of images. It could count souls won to the Gospel, not only among the general population of the country, but also among the very champions of Rome who had encountered Farel. The amiable captain of the youth, Ferdinand de Loys, embraced the glorious promises of the Gospel, and subsequently exerted himself with great earnestness to maintain Protestantism in France. Moreover, a brilliant testimony to his zeal was given him. Soubise sent him grateful acknowledgment, as well on his own behalf as on behalf of the prince of Condé, the Admiral (Coligny) and other princes and lords.[421] By arrangement with the lords of Berne, Valais, and Neuchâtel, he had sent to him some men; these men (gens), however, we must add, appear to have been not evangelists but soldiers. A priest who had taken part in the defence of the papacy, but who had been convinced by the powerful words of the reformers, Dom Jean Drogy, also embraced the evangelical faith. He became afterwards pastor at Bevay in the territory of Neuchâtel. Megander, too, wrote on October 19, to the ministers of Zurich, ‘The disputation of Lausanne has had the happiest results.’
CAROLI AND VIRET.
These successes encouraged the friends of the Reform, and the Bernese government demanded of the authorities of Lausanne the definitive establishment of the evangelical faith and worship. The canons opposed the measure with all their energy, alleging that reverence is due to all old customs and religions; they conjured the rulers of Lausanne not to allow their city to be faithless to Rome. At the same time they sent deputies to Berne. But the council was already treating with the lords of Berne, partly swayed by conviction and partly by prudence. The Bernese were disposed to grant various rights, advantages, and privileges to their new subjects, on condition of their renouncing the foreign authority of the pope, with which they well knew that it was impossible to be on good terms, and of their receiving the Gospel, which enlightens the mind, gives peace to the soul, and promotes the prosperity of nations. They knew also that in order to persuade men, it is necessary to act kindly towards them. Consequently, on November 1, a contract was concluded at Berne, by virtue of which their excellencies conceded to the burgesses of Lausanne the higher, middle, and lower jurisdiction in civil and criminal causes, various convents and abbeys, the châlet and the mill of Gobet, and certain vineyards. With these gifts the Bernese coupled the promise that, as soon as ‘popery and its mummery should be abolished,’ their excellencies would exercise generosity towards the priests. This grande largition was read on the 5th of the same month in grand council at Lausanne, and was solemnly ratified. Meanwhile the chiefs of Berne presented, November 5, to the chiefs of Lausanne, as first pastor, Caroli, who was a doctor of the Sorbonne, and whose fluent talk and engaging manners prepossessed men in his favor. At this choice the friends of the Gospel were indignant. Viret, who had for so many years labored for the diffusion of the light in his own country, and had done so with perfect earnestness, wisdom, and self-renunciation, at the risk of his life—Viret, the true Vaudois reformer—saw this new man, unfit as he was for the work to be done, preferred to himself. The pastors of Geneva wrote to Lausanne—‘Everyone knows the labors, the faith, the zeal of Viret, and we are astonished to learn that they are treating him in that way. We cannot endure it without complaining. If ever it becomes us to be indignant, surely it is on this occasion.’[422] The Bernese lords settled Caroli comfortably in the house of the canon Benoît de Pontareuse, which had beautiful gardens in which he might philosophize and entertain himself as Epicurus did of old. They assigned him, besides, an annual salary of five hundred florins. His wife displayed a degree of luxury which was offensive. Viret was joined with him as second pastor, but no tithe was assigned to him, nor any means of living. De Watteville contented himself with requesting him to show respect for the great merit of his colleague. The Bernese, however, very soon discovered that they had been mistaken in this matter. They therefore wrote to Viret, December 1, that since he was already well acquainted with the country, and Caroli was a sort of novice, they advised him to give Caroli a gratuity, ‘advancement and service, and this by way of charity.’[423] This was not giving Viret a sort of guardianship of Caroli, as has been said. On the contrary, Farel complained a few days later that it was difficult to say whether the Bernese or the Lausannese cared least for Viret.[424] The Bernese merely admitted that the Vaudois reformer, being a native of the country, had more experience of its customs, ‘of the popular way of doing things.’ Viret subsequently received a lodging in the Franciscan convent, with a salary of thirty florins and a certain allowance of wine and wheat. It was not one-third of the pay of Caroli. Some of the reformed lent furniture to the humble minister for his room, because he had no means of buying any.[425]
REFORM AT VEVEY.
Of all the districts of the Pays de Vaud, Vevey, a town situated in that lovely region which, at the extremity of the lake of Geneva, is so rich both in grace and in brilliancy, appears to have been the most inclined to embrace the Reform. For eight years past Aigle and the surrounding villages had heard the Gospel by the ministry of Farel. The ministers who came and went from Berne to Aigle, and from Aigle to Berne, passed through Vevey, and left light behind them in their passage. Moreover, there was frequent intercourse between the people of the government of Aigle and the people of Vevey. One historian worthy of credit is even led to believe that the dean Michod and the regent J. Mimard returned from Lausanne to their own town convinced of the truth of the theses which they had at first attacked.[426] Even if they were not themselves much troubled, they might by their narrations awaken in the people the desire to become acquainted with the Gospel which had been proclaimed with so much life by Farel, Viret, and Calvin. At that epoch of the Reformation there was no other public disputation at which so large a number of the champions of papal dogmas passed over to the banner of the Gospel. The men of Vevey spontaneously asked for a pastor; and one was sent them, November 24, whose name was Daillé. This name became distinguished in the seventeenth century as that of one of the most learned ministers of the Reformed Churches.
The Gospel met with opposition in the district of La Vaux, which lies between Vevey and Lausanne. At a consultative meeting, held October 15, the deputies of La Vaux had demanded a general assembly, and had declared that they would oppose ‘any innovation in the churches.’ Those of Lutry, a small town bordering on Lausanne, were of the same mind. But when the bailiff of Lausanne came three days after to dine there, the wind began to change. The magistrates, flattered with this visit, offered him with high compliments the wine of honor (vin d’honneur); and all their zeal was limited to getting the papacy buried in the most decorous manner possible. When the bailiff presented himself, November 2, to burn the images and destroy the altars, the municipal officers demanded permission to remove them themselves, desiring to do it with more delicacy. They caused the Corpus Domini to be carried into the Grotto, where they gave it an honorable position, and lighted lamps just as if it were in the church. They also put there the vessel of holy water, covering it up carefully. Some weeks later, January 16, 1537, there appeared, on the part of Berne, one Matthieu de la Croix, a converted monk, a man of discretion and benevolence. He said to the council, ‘I offer to preach, if you approve it, and even to preach every day if you will assent to it; and further, when any one dies I will deliver a sermon for the consolation of the family.’ Anxious still more powerfully to work upon their hearts, he added, ‘I propose that a request be addressed to the lords of Berne in favor of the poor.’ One might fancy that De la Croix did nothing more than put in practice the proverb, More flies are to be caught with honey than with vinegar. But there is nothing to show that his gracious way did not proceed from a sincere charity. This zeal for their commune touched the hearts of the Lutry people, and they accepted the ministry of this man of goodwill, and at the same time added to their acceptance the express request to Berne to maintain the poor. On February 8, 1537, the church was cleansed, and the stones of the altar were removed to a place apart.[427]
SEARCH FOR MINISTERS.
The great transformation was being effected in the whole country. The lords of Berne, understanding, doubtless, that their hands were not the right ones for the task, had wisely intrusted to Farel the care of providing for the spiritual wants of the people. Unfortunately it was not a very easy matter. ‘He looked round on all sides for faithful ministers, but could hardly find any.’ The nomination of Caroli by the Bernese magistrates had annoyed him. He was afraid that men who preached in its purity the cross of Christ would not be accepted. ‘They do not care much for those who preach Jesus Christ purely, and they praise to the skies braggarts and hypocrites.’ However, he was not disheartened. ‘Write,’ said he to his friend Fabri, ‘beseech, come to our aid; send us competent men.’ One circumstance, unhappy in itself, facilitated Farel’s work. Persecution was driving many evangelical Christians out of France; and these men, full of love for the faith which they had confessed in their native land, rejoiced in the opportunity of preaching it in the beautiful valley of the Leman. Farel, who was at that time the real bishop of these churches, was indefatigable in his inquiries. As soon as he had found any pious ministers, he recommended them to the lords of Berne, and the bailiffs settled them in the various parishes. But as there were not ministers enough for all, the same pastor had frequently to preach in three different churches. A few priests were called to the ministry, who did not seem to be mere deserters, with Christ on the lips only. These were, in addition to those already mentioned, Tissot, Gredat, Goudot, Meige, Malingre de la Molière, Motin, and Jacques d’Yverdon. Some others also took charge of souls. Dubois was sent to Payerne, Du Rivier to Moudon, Le Coq to Morges, J. Vallier to Aubonne, Melchior d’Yvonant to Rolle, Morand to Nyon, Furet to Coppet, Colomb to Concise, Masuyer to Cossonay, Epilon to Yvonant, and Eustache André (also named Fortunat), to Cully.[428] For the most part they were foreigners. Some of them had attended the disputation, and had been gained over by the Christian eloquence of Farel, Viret, and Calvin. But whether they came from the battle of Lausanne or from the ruder battles of France, they all desired to publish the good news of the Gospel; and some of them were inflamed with a zeal so ardent that ‘that one passion swallowed up all others.’ They were well aware that they would have to face a keen opposition; but ‘they were going willingly to offer their heads, to receive all the obloquy which evil-minded men cast on God.’ The following is the formula, somewhat free in character, which the lords of Berne usually employed in their letters to these evangelists:—‘Have ordered that thou, forthwith on receiving these presents, go to our bailiff of——, who will present thee to our subjects of ——, and then thou wilt exercise the office of minister of the Gospel, according to the grace which God has given thee.’ The bailiffs, for the purpose of preparing people’s minds, went frequently beforehand with Viret and other ministers into parishes that were to be provided for. They preached and endeavored to make evident the great benefits of the Reformation. But there was many a village in which the curé endeavored to keep the people away from the sermon, excited his friends, who threw stones at those who were hearers, and did the worst they could.[429]
TRIALS OF FABRI.