CHAPTER VI.
CALVIN AT THE SYNOD OF BERNE.
(September, 1537.)
This was not the only triumph which Calvin achieved, nor the only synod of Berne in which he took part. Keen debates were at that time going on in the evangelical Churches of Switzerland. They had gradually arisen after the disaster of Cappel in 1531. In the canton of Soleure the Reformation had indeed been crushed by the intervention of the Catholics, although the majority in the country and a minority in the town were Protestants. But other cantons had remained faithful to the Reform. In Bullinger, Zurich had found a worthy successor to Zwingli; and Oswald Myconius happily filled the place of the amiable Œcolampadius at Basel. Berne, not satisfied with having adopted the Reformation herself, eagerly promoted its establishment everywhere. The great question which was then under discussion was this—Should the Swiss Churches unite themselves with the Lutheran Churches or not? Bucer, at Strasburg, warmly advocated the union; and the magistrates, above all those of Berne, were not at all opposed to it. They had political skill enough to perceive that the Church of the Reformation, then so formidably threatened, had need to combine its whole forces. The pastors of Berne, Haller, Megander, and Kolb, were desirous of extending a friendly hand to Luther; but those free Swiss, disciples and friends of Zwingli, disliked the equivocal formulæ of Bucer. The Zuricher Megander, in particular, a learned professor and an eloquent preacher, but of rash character, violent and somewhat domineering, designated by his opponents the ape of Zwingli,[528] had set himself the task of maintaining at Berne the theology of the Zurich reformer. As Haller and Kolb were then enfeebled by age and ill-health, Megander exercised a powerful influence over the country pastors; and the magistrates themselves, aware of his abilities, committed to his hands the most important affairs. The Zurichers had drawn up a confession on the Lord’s supper in conformity with Bucer’s wishes. Basel, St. Gall, and Schaffhausen had approved it; but Megander induced his colleagues to reject it. The French diplomatists also, who were anxious to obtain the assistance of the Swiss and German Protestants against Charles V., said—‘All the Swiss towns agree with Luther except these Bernese blockheads, who walk backwards like crabs, and stick obstinately to an opinion which they cannot possibly defend.’[529]
THE ZWINGLIANS AT BERNE.
The Bernese magistrates, however, were not willing to break with their allies. The war against Savoy, which they had undertaken in 1536, for the defence of Geneva and the occupation of the Pays de Vaud, had convinced them of the need of their support. Consequently, they sent delegates to the four colloquies which were held that same year at Basel, to take into consideration the agreement with the doctors of Wittenberg. But the council, so far from breaking with Megander, put him at the head of these theologians. So the confession which was prepared at the first of these colloquies, in January 1536 (the second conference of Basel and the first of Switzerland,) when speaking of eating the body and drinking the blood of Christ, added that this took place only in a spiritual sense. This displeased Bucer. The Zwinglians, in turn, called him ‘a doubled-faced man,’ and said that this pretended peacemaker brought division into the Helvetic Churches. It was to no purpose that his defence was undertaken by Myconius, who, since 1532, had presided as overseer of the Church at Basel, and the learned professor Grynæus. The Zwinglian party would not hear a word about an agreement with the Strasburg trimmer. Various circumstances occurred to bring about a change in this state of things. The Swiss and the Bernese themselves were touched by the beautiful letter which Luther had written to the burgomaster of Basel, in which he spoke approvingly of the confession drawn up in that city. The aged Kolb, pastor of Berne, had died at the end of 1535; and on February 25, 1536, Haller also had passed into the unseen world. A great change then took place in Berne. Kunz, a man of a very different spirit from Zwingli and Haller, became pastor in the place of Kolb. Having studied at Wittenberg, he was a passionate admirer of Luther and of his doctrine. Of ardent temperament, Kunz longed to promote the triumph of his master’s doctrine, and so much the more as he was his inferior in respect to the living faith of the Gospel. Sebastian Meyer, a former Franciscan, who from the beginning of his ministry had been remarkable for the violence of his discourses, and who was a friend of Bucer, had taken the place of Haller. The council had probably been influenced in the election of these men by the Strasburg doctors, with whose projects the members were more and more pleased. Thus it seemed likely that in Berne the Lutheran party would succeed the Zwinglian. The new pastors, however, did not immediately set up their claim; they rather applied themselves to the preparation of men’s minds, and their conquests were very numerous, especially among politicians. But Megander, the inflexible Zwinglian, still kept the upper hand; and it was he who spoke in the name of Berne in the Swiss assemblies. Bucer, doubtless, had him in mind when he complained to Luther ‘of those untractable heads which are found in Switzerland, which for every trifle make so much ado.’[530]
A PATCHED-UP PEACE.
The new pastors of Berne, encouraged by their friends abroad, threw off the restraint which they had at first imposed on their speech. Sebastian Meyer, in particular, giving way to his natural disposition, thoroughly headlong and incautious, taught publicly that in the supper the body of Christ is truly eaten and his blood truly drunk, but took care to add, by faith. Kunz supported him. The conflict thus began. Megander and Erasmus Ritter started up to oppose this doctrine; and Meyer did not hesitate to say in the colloquies that the doctrine of the supper had never been rightly taught in the canton of Berne. The Bernese council convoked a synod, at which three hundred ministers of the German and French cantons of Switzerland were present. Meyer, together with Kunz, vividly depicted the evils which would be involved in a rejection of the agreement. Erasmus Ritter, with Megander, replied that an agreement was certainly very much to be desired, but that the truth must not be sacrificed to it. The Zwinglian party had the best of it. They agreed to stand by the second confession of Basel, and to avoid the use of terms which gave origin to the disputes; such as, corporal, real, natural, supernatural, invisible, carnal, miraculous, inexpressible presence. But this patched-up peace was of short duration. The secret correspondence between Bucer and Luther having been published, the Zwinglians were scandalized, people’s minds were thrown into agitation, and the edifice of concord, which they had toiled to rear, threatened to crumble away. Bucer then applied to the council of Berne, and requested it to convoke a synod at which he might be allowed to vindicate himself. ‘This whole business of the supper,’ said he, ‘is a mere dispute about words, but it is of the utmost importance to put an end to it; and I appeal to the justice of the Bernese magistrates, who cannot allow a man, whoever he may be, to be condemned before he is heard.’ Another synod was consequently convoked at Berne, for the month of September.[531]
Everybody was aware of the importance of this assembly. Bucer and Capito arrived in the city, provided with a letter of introduction from the magistrates of Strasburg, and accompanied by two theologians from Basel, Myconius and Grynæus, who though sincerely adhering to the reformed party, earnestly desired the union. Almost at the same time, three ministers from the French cantons, who had been specially invited, entered Berne; they were Calvin, Farel, and Viret. Those who knew that at Geneva they allowed neither unleavened bread nor baptismal fonts, nor the feasts and rites to which the Lutherans were strongly attached, could entertain no doubt that these bold champions would take the side of the Zwinglians. The pastors of the canton of Berne were represented only by delegates of classes. The government, fearing lest the spirit of discord should mar the meeting, requested Bucer and Capito to confine themselves to their own justification, and not to meddle with other matters. They were not even permitted to preach, except on condition that they did not introduce disputed topics in the pulpit. The assembly met at the Town Hall, in the presence of the two councils of the republic, and under the presidency of the mayor (Schultheiss) de Watteville. After the customary formalities, this magistrate invited the Strasburgers to begin. ‘Union in matters which concern the glory of God and the benefit of the Church,’ said Bucer, ‘is already established in a great number of kingdoms, duchies, and principalities; and the churches of the Swiss confederation form almost the only exception, it is thus that Satan opposes the kingdom of God. Yes, it is to Satan that are owing those suspicions which are prevalent respecting the agreement which we are striving to bring about. We demand that passion should be silenced, and that God should be regarded rather than men. You have lent one ear to calumny, lend the other now to the voice of truth. If you condemn us, you will condemn many other Churches, and particularly that Church whose representatives met at Smalcalde, and which includes within its pale many learned and pious men.’ Bucer next, desirous of clearing himself from the reproaches which had been addressed to him, pointed out that Zwingli and Luther had set out from two different points of view; Zwingli striving to keep as far away as possible from the Roman dogma of transubstantiation, and Luther endeavoring to maintain that there is nevertheless some kind of real presence in the bread. In making afterwards his own confession of faith, he said, ‘No, the bread and the wine are not mere signs; the presence of Christ by faith is not a mere logical presence, not imaginary, such as that which I have when I say, for instance, that I now see my wife at Strasburg.[532] Faith requires something higher than that. When I say with you, Christ is present in a celestial manner, and with Luther, Christ is present in an essential manner, I express fundamentally one and the same faith.’ On the following day, Capito coming to the support of his colleague, preached a sermon in which he endeavored to show that Zwingli and Œcolampadius were in agreement with Luther. They were so on the essential point of seeking and finding in the supper a true communion with the Saviour.
BUCER’S VIEWS.
Megander had been charged with the duty of speaking on behalf of the synod. Brevity and moderation had been recommended, lest any imprudent word should give rise to a dispute. For him this task was not an easy one. In fact, the next day he attacked Bucer and Capito with some vehemence, upbraiding them for being with Luther rather than with the Swiss, and with having, in other places, signed certain acts which the Swiss could not sign. ‘I have,’ said he, in drawing to a close, ‘some letters in which Bucer is spoken of. However, I think better of him than those letters, and I should be pleased if we could agree with him.’ Unhappily, they were far enough from such agreement. The discussion grew warm. ‘You teach children in your catechism,’ said Bucer, ‘to receive a sign in the supper, without reminding them of the thing signified.’ ‘How then,’ exclaimed some of the Bernese ministers, ‘can you pretend that we hold the same faith?’ ‘Let Bucer speak,’ said Megander; ‘we will reply to him in the afternoon.’ But, in that afternoon sitting, Bucer began anew to discourse to the Swiss about the sacrament. ‘Enough of these homilies,’ said Megander, impatiently. ‘You shut our mouths,’ said Bucer. ‘Let all those,’ said Megander, ‘who have anything to say speak freely.’ But not one of the Bernese pastors rose.