The bishops withdrew, but Ferdinand had about him men as passionate as they were, who were bent on the destruction of the reformer. At nine o’clock in the evening of the same day, the king, in a state of distress and suspense, was conversing on these matters with two of his magnates, Francis Banfy and John Kassai, when the burgomaster of Kaschau requested an audience of him, and entered his presence followed by Szantai. The king immediately addressing the reformer said—‘What then do you preach?’ ‘Most gracious prince,’ replied the minister, ‘it is no new doctrine. It is that of the prophets, of the apostles, and of our Lord Jesus Christ; and whosoever desires the salvation of his soul ought to embrace it with joy.’ The king was silent for some seconds; and then, no longer able to refrain, he exclaimed—‘O, my dear Stephen, if we follow this doctrine, I am very much afraid that some great evil will befall both thee and me. Let us refer the cause to God; He will make it turn to good. But tarry not, my friend, in my states. The magnates would deliver thee to death, and if I attempted to defend thee, I should be myself exposed to many dangers. Go, sell what thou hast, and depart into Transylvania, where thou canst freely profess thy doctrine.’ The weak Ferdinand half yielded to the fanaticism of the priests. He saw what was good and durst not do it. He made a present to Szantai, towards the expenses of his journey; and then he said to the burgomaster of Kaschau and another evangelical Christian, Christopher Deswœs, who accompanied him—‘Take him away secretly by night, conduct him to his own people, and protect him from all danger.’ The three friends departed, and Ferdinand was left alone, disturbed and unstable in all his ways.
CHAPTER IV.
PROGRESS OF EVANGELIZATION AND OF THE SWISS REFORMATION IN HUNGARY.
(1538-1545.)
The conference of Schässburg and the deliverance of Szantai, which put an end to persecution in the countries subject to Ferdinand, had results still more marked in the states of Zapolya. The impression produced by these events was so powerful that many parishes and towns declared for reform. The manner of its accomplishment in Hungary was characteristic. It advanced, as we have said, by an almost imperceptible progress. The pastors gradually came to preach in a manner more conformed to the Gospel. Without attracting notice they changed the rites and usages, and their parishes followed them. In some instances indeed, the flocks took the first steps forward; but usually they waited patiently for the death of their old Catholic priest, and then chose in his stead an evangelical minister. There were no violent revolutions, no angry schisms. Parishes embraced en masse the evangelical confession, and kept their churches, their schools, their parsonages, and their property. The love of order and of peace was carried perhaps a little too far. The Lutheran pastors maintained their accustomed relations with the Catholic bishops. They paid them the dues as before, and were protected by them in their rights and liberties, provided only that they did not pass into the ranks of the Zwinglians or the Calvinists. It was an age of gold, says a Hungarian historian. It seems to us that it was rather an age in which, as in Daniel’s statue, a strange mixture was seen of gold, silver, iron, brass, and clay.[[571]]
Zwinglian Views In Hungary.
This mention of the Zwinglians is remarkable. It reveals to us, if we may use the phrase, the reverse of the medal, the dark side of the picture. If evangelical truth was advancing in Hungary, there were nevertheless troubles and divisions of various kinds. The doctrines of Zwinglius had early penetrated into the country. Ferdinand had mentioned them at the same time as the Lutheran doctrines, in his edict of persecution of 1527. They were therefore at that time spread abroad, and numbered amongst their adherents some persons of the higher classes. In 1532, Peter Perenyi, first count (supremus comes) of the comitat of Abaujvar, had the first church for the disciples of Zwinglius built at Patak, between Tokay and Ujhely. This state of things, in accordance with the principles of religious liberty, and consequently just, had nevertheless injurious effects. The conflicting views of Luther and Zwinglius on the Lord’s Supper disquieted some persons, and most of all those who most ardently sought after the truth. One of these was Francis Reva, count of Thurotz, a Hungarian noble of highly cultivated mind, who attentively studied the theology of the Scriptures, and had accepted the Lutheran way of regarding the Lord’s Supper. The writings of Zwinglius unsettled him. Being no longer at peace but suffering much anxiety as to what he ought to believe, Reva determined to write to Luther. He laid open to him his doubts in a long letter and implored him to dispel them. Luther, very much engaged at the time, replied briefly. He exhorted him to continue steadfast in the faith as he had received it, urged him to remember the omnipotence of God in order to put an end to his doubts about the mystery of the Supper, and added—‘Not a single article of faith would be left to us, if we were to submit every thing to the judgment of our own reason.’[[572]]
Political Divisions.
Divisions of another kind, which were to have far graver consequences for the public peace, afflicted Hungary. Members of the same community, sons of the same soil, the Hungarians found themselves divided into two hostile parties, by the ambition of the two kings who had shared the kingdom between them. Colloquies had been frequently held with a view to put an end to this state of things, but the rival princes had looked on them with no friendly eyes. At length an assembly which was held at Kenesche on Lake Balaton agreed to a plan intended to bind up the wounds of the common country. Men’s feelings were soothed, and the two kings concluded an agreement at Grosswardin, in pursuance of which each of them was to retain his titles and possessions; but after the death of Zapolya the whole of Hungary was to be reunited under the sceptre of Ferdinand, even if his rival left an heir. This took place in 1538, and at that time Zapolya had neither wife nor children. Was this a subject of regret with him? Had he a desire to perpetuate in his own family the sceptre of a portion of Hungary? However this might be, he married in 1539 Isabella, daughter of the king of Poland; and in 1541, as he lay seriously ill and on his death-bed, word was brought to him that he had a son. Delighted at the news, he sent for the bishop of Grosswardin, George Martinuzzi, a Dalmatian who was at once warrior, monk, diplomatist, and prelate, Peter Petrovich, and Joeroek de Enged. The bishop, perceiving the secret wishes of the prince, encouraged him to violate the agreement made with Ferdinand. Zapolya named these three persons guardians of his son, and added—‘Take care not to give up my states to Ferdinand,’ a formidable legacy for the new-born child. The Queen Isabella seized upon some pretext for breaking the compact, had her son John Sigismund proclaimed king of Hungary, and feeling herself incapable of resisting the power of Ferdinand placed herself with the young prince under the protection of the Sultan. Thus was fidelity, the faith of treaties and of oaths, trampled under foot by the ambition of this new dynasty. Its dishonesty was plain.[[573]]
This step, as must have been expected, was the signal for great disasters. The Turkish army which was to secure the crown to the son of Zapolya advanced into Hungary in such force that Ferdinand could not resist it. The land was now plunged in distress; evangelical religion had to suffer much; it saw its most useful institutions and its most venerated supports taken away. The school and the printing-house established by Count Nadasdy at Uj-Sziget were destroyed. Devay and his friends were compelled to fly precipitately, and many of them took refuge at Wittenberg. Devay was in great affliction. He had continually present to his mind the barbarity of the Mussulmans, carrying fire everywhere and shedding the blood of his fellow-citizens and his friends. The destruction of the modest institutions which he had founded and from which he anticipated so much good for his country broke his heart. Even the imprisonment which he had undergone at Vienna and in Hungary had caused him less grief, for the Mussulman plague was not then ravaging his native land. An exile, distressed and in deep destitution, he could see no way opening before him by which he might be permitted to re-enter the sphere of activity which was so dear to him. He poured out his sorrow into the bosom of his friend Melanchthon, who felt himself the most lively interest in the great misfortunes of the Magyars. A thought occurred to these two friends. The margrave George of Brandenburg had been one of the guardians and governors of the young king of Hungary, Louis II., who fell at Mohacz. He had remained a friend to the Hungarians; he possessed estates in the country, and favored there the extension of the Reformation. Devay and Melanchthon considered whether he would not be the man to reopen for Devay the door of his native land. Melanchthon consequently wrote (December 28, 1541) to Sebastian Heller, chancellor to the margrave. ‘There are now with us some Hungarians,’ he said, ‘whom the cruelty of their enemies has driven from their country. Mathias Devay, an honest, grave, and learned man is one of the number. I believe that he is known to your most illustrious prince. On this ground he implores, in these trying times, the assistance and aid of the margrave. I pray you to support the holy cause of the pious and learned exile. He has already been exposed to a great many dangers from his own countrymen on account of his pious preaching.’ It does not appear that the margrave had it in his power to bring about the return of Devay to Hungary; but perhaps he gave him some assistance. Devay, finding that the doors of his country were closed to him set out for Switzerland, which had a special attraction for him, not indeed so much for the beauties of nature which are found there, as for its pious and learned men, and for the simple, scriptural, and spiritual religion which he knew he should meet with at the foot of the Alps.[[574]]
Meanwhile, Hungary was in the most lamentable state. Not only was the country full of distress and disorder, but in addition to this a foreign king, who hoisted the crescent on the ancient soil on which the cross had been planted, was master of this heroic people. But we can not help seeing that here was once more realized the truth that God often carries on his work of light and peace in the midst of the confusion of states and the dissensions of nations. Gradually the first rage of the followers of Islam abated; and as they really cared very little about the controversies of the Christians, they were inclined to leave them full liberty to maintain their conflicting doctrines. What most of all shocked them in the land which they were treading under foot was the images and the worship offered to them by the adherents of Rome.
Progress Of Reform.